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Amazon Watch / Maíra Irigaray

The Belo Monte Dam on the Xingu River: 10 years of impacts in the Amazon and the search for reparations

The Belo Monte Dam has caused an environmental and social disaster in the heart of the Amazon—one of the most important ecosystems on the planet.  

This situation has only worsened since the hydroelectric plant began operations in 2016. The quest for justice and reparations by the affected indigenous, fishing, and riverine communities continues to this day.

In 2011, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) granted them protective measures that, to date, have not been fully implemented by the Brazilian State.  

Furthermore, since June of that same year, the IACHR has yet to rule on a complaint against the State regarding its international responsibility in the case.  

The IACHR may refer the case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which has the authority to issue a ruling condemning the Brazilian State.

 

After 10 years of the hydroelectric plant's operation and more than 15 years of documented human rights violations, it is time for justice to be served for the affected communities.    

Read the open letter from the organizations bringing the case before the IACHR

Check out our press release

 

Background

The Belo Monte hydroelectric plant—the fourth largest in the world by installed capacity (11,233 MW)—was built on the Xingu River in Pará, a state in northern Brazil.  

It was inaugurated on May 5, 2016, with a single turbine. At that time, 80% of the river’s course was diverted, flooding 516 km² of land—an area larger than the city of Chicago. Of that area, 400 km² was native forest. The dam began operating at full capacity in November 2019.

Belo Monte was built and is operated by the Norte Energia S.A. consortium, which is composed primarily of state-owned companies. It was financed by the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES), which provided the consortium with 25.4 billion reais (approximately US$10.16 billion), the largest investment in the bank’s history. Therefore, the BNDES is also legally responsible for the socio-environmental impacts associated with the hydroelectric plant.

Decades of harm to the environment and people

Human rights violations and degradation of the Amazon have been occurring since the project’s inception. In March 2011, Norte Energía began construction of the dam without adequate consultation and without the prior, free, and informed consent of the affected communities.  

The construction caused the forced displacement of more than 40,000 people, severing social and cultural ties. The resettlement plan in Altamira—a city directly affected by the hydroelectric dam—involved housing units located on the outskirts, lacking adequate public services and decent living conditions for the relocated families, with no special provisions for those from indigenous communities.    

Belo Monte's operations have caused a permanent, man-made drought in the Volta Grande (or "Great Bend") of the Xingu River, exacerbated by the historic droughts in the Amazon in 2023 and 2024. As a result, the deaths of millions of fish eggs were documented for four consecutive years (from 2021 to 2024), and for the past three years, there has been no upstream migration of fish to spawn and reproduce. Thus, artisanal fishing, the main source of protein for indigenous peoples and riverside communities, was severely affected: fish dropped from 50% to 30% of total protein consumed, replaced by processed foods. In summary, there was an environmental and humanitarian collapse that resulted in the breakdown of fishing as a traditional way of life, food insecurity, and access to drinking water for thousands of families, impoverishment, and disease.

Furthermore, the construction of the dam increased deforestation and intensified illegal logging and insecurity on indigenous and tribal lands, putting the survival of these communities at risk. Another consequence was the deepening of poverty and social conflicts, as well as the strain on health, education, and public safety systems in Altamira—a city ranked as the most violent in the country in 2017, where human trafficking and sexual violence increased. Violence was also reported against human rights defenders involved in the case.  

In 2025, during the 30th UN Climate Change Conference (COP30), held in Brazil, the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office labeled the damage caused by the Belo Monte dam as ecocide.

Photo: Amazon Watch / Maíra Irigaray.

 

The search for justice and reparations

Over the years, the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office in Pará, the Public Defender’s Office, and civil society organizations have filed dozens of legal actions in Brazilian courts to challenge the project’s various irregularities and its impacts. Most of the claims are still pending resolution, some for more than 10 years.  

These efforts have failed because the national government has repeatedly overturned rulings in favor of the affected communities by invoking a mechanism that allowed a court president to suspend a judicial decision based solely on generic arguments such as "the national interest" or "economic order."   

In the absence of effective responses at the national level, AIDA, together with a coalition of partner organizations, brought the case before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and, in 2010, requested precautionary measures to protect the lives, safety, and health of the affected indigenous communities.

On April 1, 2011, the IACHR granted these measures and requested that the Brazilian government suspend environmental permits and any construction work until the conditions related to prior consultation and the protection of the health and safety of the communities are met.  

And on June 16, 2011 —together with the Xingu Vivo Para Sempre Movement, the Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon, the Diocese of Altamira, the Indigenous Missionary Council, the Pará Society for the Defense of Human Rights and Global Justice— we filed a formal complaint against the Brazilian State for its international responsibility in the violation of the human rights of the people affected in the case. The case was opened for processing in December 2015.  

On August 3, 2011, the IACHR amended the precautionary measures to request, instead of the suspension of permits and construction, the protection of people living in voluntary isolation, the health of indigenous communities, and the regularization and protection of ancestral lands.

Photo: Amazon Watch / Maíra Irigaray.

 

Current situation

The protective measures granted by the IACHR remain in effect, but the Brazilian government has not fully complied with them, reporting only on general actions. The communities have documented the ongoing violations of their rights. The situation that prompted the request for these measures—the risk to the lives, physical integrity, and ways of life of the communities—persists and has worsened with the hydroelectric plant operating at full capacity and the recent extreme droughts in the Amazon.

In addition to the impacts of Belo Monte, there is a risk of further social and environmental impacts from the implementation of another mining megaproject in the Volta Grande do Xingu. There, the Canadian company Belo Sun plans to build Brazil’s largest open-pit gold mine.    

The combined and cumulative impacts of the dam and the mine were not assessed. The government excluded Indigenous peoples, riverine and peasant communities from the project’s environmental permitting process. Despite protests by Indigenous communities and other irregularities surrounding the project, the government of Pará formally authorized the mine in April 2026.

Like other hydroelectric dams, Belo Monte exacerbates the climate emergency by generating greenhouse gas emissions in its reservoir. And it is inefficient amid the longer, more intense droughts caused by the crisis, as it loses its ability to generate power.

The case before the Inter-American Commission

In October 2017, the IACHR announced that it would rule jointly on the admissibility (whether the case meets the requirements for admission) and the merits (whether a human rights violation actually occurred) of the international complaint against the Brazilian State.    

Fifteen years after the complaint was filed, the affected communities and the organizations representing them are still awaiting this decision. If the IACHR concludes that human rights violations occurred and issues recommendations that the Brazilian State fails to comply with, it may refer the case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, whose rulings are binding.  

A potential ruling by the international court in this case would set a regional legal precedent regarding the rights of indigenous and riverine peoples, public participation in megaprojects, and state responsibility in the context of the climate crisis—a precedent that is particularly relevant in light of the Court’s Advisory Opinion No. 32, which reaffirmed the obligations of States to protect the people and communities of the continent from the climate emergency.

 

Partners:

Leoncio Arara

Laguna de agua cristalina en el páramo de Santurbán, Colombia

UN experts denounce threats and stigmatization against defenders of water and the Santurbán páramo; demand protection for their work

Bucaramanga, Colombia. On March 6, 2025 the United Nations Special Rapporteurs on human rights defenders, a healthy environment, water and sanitation, and the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights sent formal letters to the governments of Colombia, Canada, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as to the companies Aris Mining and MDC Industry Holding Company LLC to denounce the threats and stigmatization faced by the Committee for the Defence of Water and the Santurbán Páramo for defending this ecosystem threatened by mining in Colombia. To date, only the Colombian government’s reply has been made public. While harassment is not new, content has recently been disseminated on social media labeling the Committee’s spokespersons as "persona non grata", endangering their lives by claiming false connections to illegal armed groups. Committee members have warned that "every day that passes without a response from the national government and the companies legitimizes those who seek to silence us".For 16 years, the committee has worked to protect the Santurban páramo - a high altitude wetland ecosystem which provides fresh water to more than two million people. Recently, they achieved recognition of part of the páramo as a Temporary Reserve Zone, which means that large-scale mining activities will be suspended for two years.Viviana Herrera, Latin America Program Coordinator at MiningWatch Canada, said, "it speaks volumes that Canada has not yet responded to the UN experts. Canada must prioritize the environmental defenders of the Santurbán Committee and their struggle to protect water."Sebastián Abad Jara, an attorney with the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA), said that "through these letters, the offices of the UN  recognized the committee as a coalition of rights defenders; they informed governments and companies of the clear, imminent, and specific risk to its members; and in doing so they dismantled the false narratives linking their activities to those of  illegal groups."The UN agencies emphasize that Aris Mining, its subsidiary Minesa, and all companies in its supply chain associated with the Soto Norte project — such as Calimineros — have an obligation to respect and protect human rights, especially those of environmental and water defenders."Colombia is one of the most dangerous countries for those defending water and life against extractive projects, which is why immediate action by states and companies is urgently needed to stop the stigmatization and guarantee the safety of members of the committee," said Jen Moore, associate researcher at the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS).The Committee for the Defence of Water and the Santurbán Páramo, AIDA, MiningWatch Canada, IPS, Common Frontiers Canada, and the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) reiterate the call by United Nations experts to the governments of Colombia, Canada, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as to Aris Mining company and MDC Holding, to safeguard the lives and integrity of the committee members.In accordance with their obligations under national law, the Escazú Agreement, inter-American law and jurisprudence, and the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, we also urgently call on states and companies to respond to the substance of the letters and adopt measures — with verifiable deadlines and measurable progress — to prevent companies associated with the Soto Norte project from committing human rights violations.Only the protection and strengthening of historic leadership such as that of the Santurbán Committee in Colombia will bring us closer to environmental and climate justice. The concerns raised by the offices of the UN are a reminder that protecting those who lead the struggle for water in Latin America is an imperative of state and corporate due diligence.Press contactsCommittee for the Defense of Water and the Santurbán Páramo, [email protected] Quintanilla (Mexico), AIDA, [email protected], +5215570522107Viviana Herrera, Mining Watch Canada, [email protected], +14389931264Jennifer Moore, IPS, [email protected], +12027049011 

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House in a rural area

Reimagining the circular economy from territories of extraction. Proposals from Latin America

Among the various global commitments to address the current climate crisis, international governance bodies — such as the United Nations — have highlighted the need to double renewable energy production and expand electromobility to decarbonize the global energy mix, calling this process the "energy transition." However, this transition entails intensifying the extraction of minerals essential for developing these technologies. Each region of the world plays a distinct role in the supply chains of minerals used in decarbonization processes. Latin America has been identified as one of the regions with vast mineral reserves capable of fueling this transition. Yet, in this context of growing mining interest, there is a tendency to render invisible the populations who inhabit these territories, as well as the hydrogeological systems of local, regional, and global significance that exist there.Lithium is one of the minerals whose commercial demand has grown significantly in connection with progress toward energy decarbonization. It is in the Gran Atacama region — located in the border area of Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile — where the largest global reserves are found. Nevertheless, for lithium to become available, it must pass through a complex international supply chain, which includes mineral extraction, refining, production of battery electrodes, battery manufacturing, and, finally, the production of electric vehicles.This surge in mineral demand within complex global supply chains raises concerns for the region about the risk of reproducing a new cycle of extractivism, unless public policies are devised and implemented that effectively integrate environmental, social, and territorial development standards.The circular economy, closely linked to the energy transition, emerges as a key strategy to overcome the logic of the traditional linear economic model ("take–make–consume–dispose"). Its aim is to reduce pressure on territories and common goods by incorporating sustainability criteria into supply chains and promoting more rational management of extracted mineral resources.However, this vision of the circular economy — when applied to minerals for the energy transition — can also perpetuate extractivism, particularly in the Global South. Decarbonization options often require vast quantities of minerals for energy storage, extracted at the cost of high environmental and social impacts. This threatens the resilience of the ecosystems from which they are taken and poses risks to the populations that inhabit them.Given these limitations, a circular economy proposal — from the perspective of Latin American extraction zones and applied to transition minerals — should contribute to ensuring that changes in the energy mix toward technologies with lower greenhouse gas emissions (commonly referred to as the energy transition) are truly just throughout all stages of the process. This entails avoiding the creation, expansion, and/or deepening of sacrifice zones; ensuring environmental restoration; guaranteeing the protection of human rights; and securing reparation where rights have been violated. It also requires respecting biophysical boundaries and the resilience capacity of ecosystems.   Read and download

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Aguas turbias del río Motagua en Guatemala

Motagua River: A story of contamination and a call for justice

The Motagua River, Guatemala's largest river, is severely polluted with sewage, solid waste, and other types of waste.It flows into the Caribbean Sea, so contamination reaches those waters, as well as the Mesoamerican Barrier Reef System - the world's largest transboundary reef - and the Honduran coast, causing unquantifiable social and environmental damage.Polluting activities occur throughout the river basin, including sub-basins and micro-basins.In general terms, the contamination has deteriorated the health and violated the right to water, development and a healthy environment of all the people living in the basin.The contamination of the Motagua is a problem that has been going on for decades and requires urgent long-term measures that contribute to the sanitation and integrated management of the river basin.Where is the Motagua River?The Motagua River is one of the main rivers in Guatemala. With a length of 486 km, it crosses 96 municipalities and 14 departments of the country. It originates in Quiché, a department located in the northwest, and flows into the Caribbean Sea.It is at its mouth that its flow meets the Mesoamerican Reef, which extends for approximately 1,000 km and covers the territorial waters of Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico. Thus, the pollution carried by the river deteriorates the health of the reef system, which is home to the second longest barrier reef in the world.The Mesoamerican Reef protects thousands of kilometers of coastline from currents, waves and storms. In addition to being a breeding and feeding ground for a great diversity of species, it is a carbon dioxide sink and a detoxifier of water and air. The ecological and economic health of the entire South Atlantic area depends on its conservation.In addition, pollution from the Motagua River reaches the coast of Honduras and spreads to Amatique Bay, located along the eastern coast of Guatemala and Belize. This is clearly a transboundary problem.Where does the pollution in of the Motagua River come from?The largest volume of contamination of the Motagua River comes from Guatemala City, the capital of the country, mainly through the waters of the Las Vacas River, which receives a large amount of solid waste from the Chinautla River, as well as sewage that is discharged into its waters on a daily basis.Solid waste from the Chinautla River, which flows through the municipality of the same name, comes from a landfill located in Zone 3 of the capital. Any small landslide in this landfill generates waste that is automatically dumped into the river at any time of the year.The pollution that the Chinautla river carries also consists of a large amount of sewage, generated by at least 500,000 people living in the northern part of Guatemala City, which does not receive any previous cleaning treatment.In the municipality of Chinautla there are numerous illegal landfills. In addition, many private vehicles and collection trucks dump waste on the banks of the Chinautla and Las Vacas rivers.According to data from the Integrated Environmental Management of the Motagua River Basin project, financed by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), it is estimated that 66% of urban solid waste in Guatemala is not collected and there is no guarantee that the remaining 34% is properly disposed of. In addition, of the total number of landfills in the country, 88.32% are illegal or do not have municipal authorization.Most of the waste is dumped in streams and/or on surfaces that are susceptible to dragging, ending up in one way or another in water sources, such as the Motagua basin.In other words, the main source of contamination of the Motagua River is the poor management of solid waste and water resources in the country; the lack of compliance with existing regulations on wastewater discharge, disposal and treatment of waste and solid waste; as well as the lack of a water law.Who is affected by the contamination of the Motagua River?The contamination of the Motagua River affects the entire population of Guatemala. In the lower basin, it directly affects people dedicated to fishing, who have seen their catches reduced.And, by harming tourism in the Caribbean, it also affects the communities that depend on tourism for their livelihoods.As a basin-wide problem, the contamination of the Motagua affects those living in the main sub-basins and micro-basins of the river, including the indigenous communities of the Mayan Poqomam people in the cities of Chuarrancho and Chinautla.In Chinautla, the contamination affects the living conditions, health, environment, water sources, economy and culture of more than 18,000 people.The restoration of the Motagua River is crucial to improve the quality of life of at least 30% of the Guatemalan population, as well as those affected in neighboring countries.Actions to rescue the Motagua River from contaminationIn the face of the serious degradation of Guatemala's largest river basin, the damage to key ecosystems such as the Mesoamerican Reef, and the human rights violations that pollution generates, urgent measures are required, among them:Verify compliance with environmental and municipal regulations, as well as prevent and halt environmental damage at the source through regulation, monitoring, supervision and oversight of activities that affect the rights of the inhabitants of the Motagua River basin.Strengthen regulations related to wastewater disposal and solid waste management so that they are implemented in a timely manner through complete treatment systems in the municipalities of the basin.Initiate actions to enable the socio-environmental restoration of affected ecosystems throughout the basin, including political, legislative and administrative measures to strengthen the legal system and allocate sufficient financial resources to ensure the protection of waters and territories. 

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