Human Rights


Climate Change, Human Rights

Six measures to ensure our actions achieve climate justice

On December 2, the twenty-fifth Conference of the Parties (COP25) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change opened in Madrid. It’s a vital meeting for the planet, during which governments must drastically increase their ambitions and climate commitments if we hope to preserve life, as we know it today. So far, there have been more announcements than actions. That’s why I’d like to highlight six measures that will help us move towards the results the planet needs. The outlook is not encouraging. Change remains urgent. Every day, the climate crisis causes greater harm, particularly for the most vulnerable among us. According to the United Nations Emissions Gap report, emissions continue to rise and current actions are insufficient to achieving the necessary reductions. In an evident political and financial weakening, nations that once led climate actions are now withdrawing or refusing to comply with the agreements. Added to this are emerging social protests, particularly in Latin America. The governments of Ecuador, Chile and Colombia have declared curfews in recent weeks to deal with the serious situations in their countries; COP25 was moved from Santiago de Chile to Madrid. In some instances, abuse of force caused several deaths and hundreds of other injuries. All this demonstrates the urgency of heeding the social call, of acknowledging and dealing with inequality, of finding solutions and building countries where all have a place. One thing is clear: we’ve been moving in the wrong direction and we must change course. We need profound changes in energy, transportation and food systems, as well as in the negotiation, decision-making and implementation of climate actions. This is essential if we are to arrive at peak global emissions as soon as possible, cut them in half by 2030, and reach zero emissions by 2050. Significant efforts are undoubtedly being made. There are billion-dollar investments by governments, businesses, organizations and individuals. But it’s not enough. We must stop and assess what is serving us and what is not; what we should continue to do and what we must do differently. These six measures could make climate action more effective and help us achieve climate justice: 1. Include human rights as a transversal element (seriously). Although it’s been a petition of social movements, indigenous peoples and organizations for decades, official recognition of human rights has yet to materialize. Responding to this call is vital to increasing the ambition and responsibility that is so needed. While the Cancun and Paris Agreements refer to the importance of respecting human rights, their implementation has failed to include this perspective. This, despite the fact that human rights bodies have reminded States of their obligation to do so; and IPCC scientists have highlighted the importance of addressing social inequality and including the wisdom of indigenous communities as a fundamental element in resolving the climate crisis. 2. Ensure the effective participation of affected people and communities in the planning, discussion, decision-making and monitoring of climate actions. Indigenous peoples, rural communities, Afro-descendants, and youth are among the groups most affected by the climate crisis. In addition, local communities have protected millions of hectares of forests and other natural areas, essential for climate resilience. Yet spaces for the participation for these actors remain scarce and spaces for decision-making, in COPs and other instances, are almost non-existent. Ensuring that discussions and decisions are truly diverse is an essential step towards increasing climate ambition and effectiveness. Communities should be considered subjects of rights, not simply objects of protection projects and actions. 3. Secure the equitable distribution of funds We live in the midst of immense inequality, where wealth, property and privileges belong to a few, while the majority assume the negative impacts. The climate crisis is partly a result of this situation. Although Latin America is the most unequal region on the planet, inequality is underestimated, according to ECLAC. That’s why the distribution of economic and human resources must address this reality, ensuring that the Global South has access to opportunities to participate on equal footing towards true climate justice. This would increase the possibility of finding alternative solutions and replicating those already in place. 4. Hold accountable those responsible for the climate crisis Those causing the climate crisis should be held accountable for it, instead of attacking those who seek accountability and climate justice. This is one of the great obstacles to moving forward. It’s time to name those responsible and demand that they take charge and repair the damages, rather than accepting false solutions and ineffective voluntary actions. 5. Incorporate a feminine perspective, based in maternal love By this I mean the need to rescue a perspective of collaboration and serious dialogue in order to reach consensus, assuming responsibilities over differences and competition. Let us include a perspective that prioritizes the care of the Earth, of nature and of people. Let's stop putting economic interests and short-term vision above the health of our planet. Let's focus our efforts on agreeing how we can achieve climate justice, coming out of denial, and leaving behind excuses about why it can't be done. 6. Acknowledge the true costs of the climate crisis: social, economic, environmental and human. So far most economic assessments have focused on calculating the costs of the transition to a zero-emission economy. While there are estimates of the costs involved in not implementing the transition, these ignore the social, environmental and cultural impacts. This is particularly significant for regions such as Latin America, which, in addition to suffering human and cultural losses, are losing their natural wealth. Scientists have concluded that the changes will be more costly the longer they take to be implemented. COP25 could be an opportunity to incorporate these and many other measures in the battle against the climate emergency. At this point, insisting on the same thing will only bring more frustration and failures. Not taking action will condemn millions more people to suffer the consequences of the climate crisis, and of inadequate solutions that violate their rights. The reality is indisputable, which makes it imperative to include human rights as the crosscutting axis of our climate actions. If we do not, the actions resulting from the Conference of the Parties will resemble the emperor of the Brothers Grimm’s story. They will come out to the parade naked, proudly wearing a costly suit made with climate ambition, yet insufficient for what the planet needs. We must instead cover climate actions with a suit of climate justice—a visible one that we must weave together. We have no time to spare.  

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Sacrifice Zones: The injustice of living in an unhealthy environment

Forty percent of the energy produced and consumed in Chile comes from burning coal. Just 28 thermoelectric plants, concentrated in five locations across the country, generate that enormous amount of energy. In these so-called Sacrifice Zones, inhabitants live immersed in pollution. The result is severe health damages, children with learning disabilities, and poisoned seas. The serious detriment of living in one of these areas has been amply documented. A recent report from the Catholic University of Chile, commissioned by the NGO Sustainable Chile, shows that living in a Sacrifice Zone translates into greater risks of illness and premature death. The country’s current social unrest represents a historic opportunity for transformation. Pushed by the voice of its people, and in the Presidency of this year’s international climate negotiations, Chile can lead a structural change focused on the redistribution of burdens and benefits, both social and environmental. The result would be a cleaner and fairer country. The road to decarbonization In June, after a year of discussions with industry and other stakeholders, President Sebastian Piñera announced a schedule for the decarbonization of Chile. In the agreement, industry leaders pledged to close all coal-fired power plants by 2040. As positive as it may seem, an in-depth analysis of the proposal leads to the conclusion that the government’s goal is not ambitious enough to achieve the prompt justice that affected communities deserve. The timetable sets the nation’s eight oldest plants up for the closure by 2024, but fails to give dates or details on the closure of the remaining 20 plants, leaving it to the goodwill of future administrations. Under those terms, there is no way to guarantee that the plan will be implemented. Moreover, waiting 20 more years is not an acceptable deal for those who have already carried too much of the burden for far too long. Nor is it a move toward maintaining our planet’s climate equilibrium, a battle in which we have no time to spare. Another criticism of the government's proposal is that shortly after it was announced, the energy company Engie inaugurated a new coal-fired power plant in Mejillones, a Sacrifice Zone in the north of the country. The new plant has more than double the operating capacity of two thermoelectric plants in Tocopilla, which the same company would have closed after signing the decarbonization plan. But it's not all bad news. A month before social protests broke out in Chile, the government signaled a more ambitious decarbonization goal. In September, the Chamber of Deputies approved an initiative asking the President to move the closure of coal-fired power plants up by ten years, to 2030. The request is based on a study commissioned by the NGO Sustainable Chile and completed by the consulting firm Kas Engineers. Their research shows the technical and economic feasibility of reaching decarbonization by 2030. Chile’s current social crisis erupted in the midst of the search for a binding agreement to achieve decarbonization. Social unrest in Chile Chile is in the midst of a historic moment. Social discontent—generated by the injustices, inequality and lack of equity endured for years by the most vulnerable segments of the population—triggered ongoing protests, which have yet to abate. What’s happening in Chile is a mirror of what could happen in many countries of the world, particularly in Latin America. The metaphorical grass is dry and any spark could surely ignite social mobilization, uncovering chambers that have for years accumulated injustice and discontent. The figures confirm that Chile has grown and there is less poverty, but neither the benefits nor the burdens have been equitably distributed. Authorities have failed. Confidence is running out and disillusionment is increasing. The Sacrifice Zones are a very clear example of the structural problems afflicting our society: certain communities bear all the costs and enjoy none of the benefits. This is unacceptable. A new direction is possible Fires, floods and other extreme weather events, which uproot people’s lives, show us that nature will not stop protesting until we respect her. Society is also calling for respect, with an urgency that has gained the attention of decision-makers. Changes that once seemed impossible are within reach. It’s not that social demands are more important than environmental demands, or vice versa. Environmental demands are also social demands. Although the climate crisis and pollution affect us all, the damage is much greater for the most vulnerable populations. Changes that favor our planet can and must be made with a social justice perspective, and in harmony with nature.  In the case of Chile, decarbonization—and with it, an end to Sacrifice Zones—is the change that will make us a better country. Because one of life’s greatest injustices is being forced to live in an unhealthy environment.  

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Coral reefs, Oceans, Toxic Pollution

The oil spill devouring life on Brazil’s beaches

Photos: Marcela Cintra / Text: Laura Yaniz  Since late August, oil has been registered at more than 500 points along 2,500 kilometers of coastline in northeastern Brazil. What began with the appearance of small black spots on some beaches quickly became huge stains that changed the color of the sand itself. The spill’s origin remains unknown, as local organizations and communities organize to clean up their beaches. Far from being resolved, the problem is getting worse every day. The oil’s advance is threatening the marine life in mangroves and coral reefs, both key ecosystems for the survival of species. In addition, residents of the affected communities, who depend on tourism and fishing, have seen their lifestyles and economies threatened. Their health is also at risk due to the consumption of contaminated seafood and direct exposure to the spill. Faced with the inaction of government authorities, the people have been cleaning the beaches and sea with their own hands. The spill itself, coupled with state neglect, violates the human rights of the inhabitants of the hundreds of affected beaches. AIDA—together with the Projeto Publico Institute, Salve Maracaipe, Projeto Caribessa and Rede Minha Jampa—denounced these violations before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in an effort to urge the Brazilian government to respond to this social and environmental crisis. Soledad García Muñoz, the Commission's Special Rapporteur on Economic, Social, Cultural and Environmental Rights expressed her solidarity with the Brazilian people and authorities in the face of the tragedy and called on the State to "take the necessary measures to avoid a bigger deterioration of the affected ecosystems, considering that the time, the resources and the way of acting focused on human rights are the key factors for the effectiveness of a contingency plan that the present situation deserves.” She added: “the slower and partial are the measures adopted, more irreparable will be the damages for the Brazilian coast and its biodiversity, as well as for the quality of life of the people that live in these affected regions. It is necessary an urgent and sensible response in face of these serious events generated by the contamination, because that could also accelerate the effects of the climate change in the coast, mangroves, swamps and other ecologically vulnerable habitats.”  

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Toxic Pollution, Human Rights

Air pollution: it damages your health from day one

Although they occur seasonally each year, respiratory diseases are becoming increasingly severe, said pediatrician Gina Pinilla, who works in Bogotá. As air quality decreases, health complications increase for children who come to the emergency department. What Dr. Pinilla has observed in more than a decade of experience as a doctor is no mere impression. A study conducted by a multidisciplinary team of researchers in Colombia shows that health damage from poor air quality is noticeable from day one. Hospital admissions increase over the first 24 to 72 hours and can extend for almost two weeks. It’s the first multi-city study conducted in Colombia and Latin America to determine the relationship between air pollution and respiratory and circulatory diseases in the population, explained lead researcher Dr. Laura Rodriguez of the Industrial University of Santander. Each contaminant affects us differently One of the findings that most caught the researchers' attention is that harms caused by pollutants are different for children and adults. Children suffer from respiratory diseases, while adults face cardiovascular complications. "Children between 5 and 9 years old face greater impacts and are more likely to have an episode that takes them to the emergency room,” explained Dr. Rodriguez. “But this doesn't mean that the younger ones are unaffected. When a child has respiratory complications, he or she may stay hospitalized for up to a week and be connected to respiratory support. "There are children who need prolonged hospitalizations. For a week, they are dependent on oxygen, whether from a nasal cannula or oxygen machines,” Dr. Pinilla added. “Then they are left with side effects and get sick often." The particular mixture of pollutants found in the air also affects each age group differently. "Pollution in every city has its own behavior: interaction, quantity and the change in makeup between cities," said Dr. Rodriguez. In Bogotá, for example, pollution by sulfur dioxide and particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5) are related to circulatory diseases in people over 60. Pollution by nitrogen dioxide, sulfur dioxide and PM2.5 particles significantly increases the risk of hospitalization in people under the age of 15. The researcher says that the damage caused by nitrogen dioxide is not given much importance, despite being associated with cardiovascular disease in adults. And, when that pollutant is combined with sulfur dioxide and particulate matter, its effects are enhanced. Pollution harms, even in small quantities An important takeaway from this study is that contaminants can begin to damage public health even before they reach maximum allowable limits. Nitrogen dioxide, for example, is considered harmful, yet regulations have set very high emission limits. "Reaching these limits is very difficult. The city has to be in absurdly high pollution for the alerts to sound," explained Dr. Rodriguez. “The health effects are not related to whether you are exposed to the limits or not, but to the type of mixture you are breathing, because the pollutants are potentiating each other.” In several Latin American cities, regulations allow pollution limits that exceed the recommendations of the World Health Organization (WHO). For example, the WHO recommends a maximum average of 20 µg/m3 (micrograms per cubic meter) of PM10 (solid particles such as ash, soot and dust), but Bogotá has an average of 38 µg/m3. Other cities in the region have even higher annual averages: 40 (Monterrey), 55 (Mexico City), 62 (Lima) and 69 (Santiago). What does this information mean for your city?  When poor air quality reaches its most critical levels, hospitals are left without beds and many children with respiratory illnesses remain in the emergency area, explained Dr. Pinilla. It's a common situation because there are no action plans for environmental contingencies. For Dr. Laura Rodriguez, the most important result of her research would be that it helps institutions take action to confront the issue. She recommends local governments and health institutions: Control and regulate the air quality parameters of industrial emissions, and consider monitoring other pollutants. Increase efforts to communicate to the public about the risks of pollution levels in their cities. Prepare hospitals, especially in the first months of the year when pollution reaches its highest level, aggravated by changes in the climate. She emphasized the importance of making intersectoral and multidisciplinary plans and investigations to understand the panorama of air pollution, and to ensure that this information gets into the hands of the appropriate authorities. The study was also conducted by Julián Alfredo Fernández-Niño (U. del Norte, Barranquilla), Néstor Rojas (U. Nacional), Luis Camilo Blanco (U. Santo Tomás) and Víctor Herrera, U. Autónoma de Bucaramanga). Consult it here.  

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Inter-American Development Bank to investigate Ituango hydroelectric project

Washington D.C. In a historic decision, the Board of Executive Directors of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) approved an international investigation of the Bank’s private lending arm, IDB Invest, for its investment in the Ituango hydroelectric project. Located in the department of Antioquia, the Ituango dam has had a devastating impact on thousands of people across four departments and 27 municipalities in Colombia. The investigation’s main objective will be to determine whether—when financing this megaproject in a region of Colombia that continues to be affected by high levels of violence and resurgent armed conflict—the Bank complied with the social and environmental standards that it is obligated to uphold. The investigation will also examine whether any non-compliance by the Bank is connected to the serious harm that has been sustained by affected communities. “As those who have been affected by the Ituango dam, we demand that the investigation be rigorous and independent,” declared Isabel Zuleta, spokesperson for Movimiento Ríos Vivos in Colombia, which represents the affected communities. “For more than a decade, our communities have denounced the serious problems that the project has caused. These problems have been further exacerbated by the multiple emergencies that have occurred since 2018 and that continue to this day. We hope that, with this international investigation, the voices of victims and opponents of the project will finally be heard.” The investigation originated in a complaint filed by 477 people affected by the Ituango dam project. In the complaint, the affected communities—which are represented by Movimiento Ríos Vivos—emphasize that the Bank’s own policies require that the projects it finances must be sustainable, participatory, and in conformity with national legislation. In the case of the Ituango dam, none of this has happened. In the complaint, the communities indicate that the project lacked an adequate environmental impact assessment and that it did not allow for the participation of communities or provide access to information. They emphasize that the project has been advanced in a context marked by human rights violations, the disproportionate use of force, and increasing violence against people who defend their land and water. They also point out the pattern of discrimination faced by communities for deciding to oppose the project, as well as by women affected by the project. As the complaint lays out, all of this contradicts the social and environmental standards that the IDB must apply to its investments. Further, the complaint was filed in the wake of a humanitarian crisis that endangered the lives of thousands of people in the area surrounding the dam’s construction site. The crisis began after two of the dam’s diversion tunnels were blocked with cement, when a third tunnel became obstructed and the river’s flow increased dramatically. The resulting landslides and flooding forced thousands of people to be evacuated from their homes in a poorly planned, ad hoc manner, and many remain displaced to this day. No other development project in Colombia has caused a humanitarian crisis of this magnitude. This crisis reveals the inadequacy of both the impact assessment and the environmental regulation of the project, which—despite these deficiencies—was nevertheless approved. The state of emergency in the area affected by the crisis has yet to be lifted, and neither the government nor the regulatory agencies in Colombia have ruled out the possibility that the dam could collapse altogether. Even in this critical context, the affected communities sought to engage in a process of dialogue and dispute resolution with the company behind the dam project, which would have been facilitated by the IDB’s accountability mechanism. However, the company refused to participate in such a dialogue. For this reason, as the next step in the process following from the complaint, the accountability mechanism recommended this investigation. The communities affected by the Ituango dam, who live in the river basin of the Cauca River and its tributaries, are accompanied in the complaint process by the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA), and International Accountability Project (IAP). The Ituango dam is expected to be the largest hydropower plant in Colombia, capable of generating 2,400 MW of electricity. Although the dam’s 79-kilometer-long reservoir was filled nearly two years ago, however, the dam has yet to generate any electricity. Moreover, the project has flooded 4,500 hectares without first removing the area’s vegetation, which is now generating large quantities of methane, a greenhouse gas. This flooding was undertaken even before the dam structure itself was completed and without informing, relocating, or compensating communities in the impacted area. IDB Invest has invested millions of dollars in the project and facilitated an additional billion-dollar investment in the project by other international banks. These investments have been maintained despite the grave crisis caused by the project. press contacts: Isabel Zuleta, Movimiento Ríos Vivos, [email protected] (Spanish only) Carla García Zendejas, Center for International Environmental Law, [email protected]                   Victor Quintanilla, Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense, [email protected]   Alexandre Sampaio, International Accountability Project, [email protected]   Note for editors: The investigation will be conducted by the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (MICI) of the Inter-American Development Bank. As an international accountability mechanism, the MICI addresses complaints from people and communities affected by IDB-funded development projects.  The investigation will be carried out within a maximum period of nine months, in light of the high complexity of the case. Among the aspects of the project that will be investigated are the following: Whether the area of influence was adequately assessed and the affected population properly identified; The heightened levels of conflict and insecurity in the area surrounding the dam, and its differentiated impacts on women; The participation of communities, which—in the opinion of the communities themselves—has been seriously lacking; The relationship between the project and the damage caused; The deficiencies in the project’s resettlement plans and supposed compensation; The assessment of the risk of disasters, and access to information about these risks.  

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Oceans, Climate Change, Human Rights

Defending my place in the fight for the climate

I started at AIDA as a law student exploring the possibilities of working in the field of environmental law. Four years later, I am the youngest attorney on the organization's legal team, supporting the efforts of the Marine Biodiversity and Coastal Protection Program. I always say that the best part of my job is being surrounded by so many young, powerful and exemplary women. Their teachings have cemented my path. Last month, I participated in the preparatory meeting for the 25th Conference of the Parties (COP25) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which took place in Costa Rica. It was my first time at such an event. It was there that I really felt the strength of women and the younger generations, who have united to demand our place at the table to discuss solutions to the climate crisis. In recent months, we’ve seen the strength of global and regional movements of young people outraged by what they see as the inaction of governments to curb global warming. For the most part, young women, adolescents and even girls have led these movements. The climate meeting in Costa Rica was no exception, and reflected the generational change we are experiencing. In that forum, young people of various professions and aspirations made our claim and sought to be heard. We were united by a common purpose: to guarantee our future and to be better than present generations in fulfilling that goal. Millennials (the generational group to which I belong) and the centennials (to which my 13-year-old sister belongs) are the ones who will have to live with the consequences of political inaction in the face of the climate crisis. It is our future that is at stake. Women are especially vulnerable to environmental degradation due to the special role we play in caring for natural resources and the people around us. That is why it’s good news that we’re rising up and demanding clear, concrete and, above all, urgent actions. This PreCOP was an opportunity for learning and growth. I identified with the emphasis that the government of Costa Rica placed on the protection of the ocean and solutions based in nature. And I was inspired to see more and more young women taking the lead in the determined and ambitious actions that the world's environmental and social crises require us to take.  

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Climate Change, Human Rights

Statement on the suspension of COP25 in Chile

Today the Chilean government, after two weeks of mass demonstrations, cancelled the twenty-fifth Conference of the Parties (COP25) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, scheduled for December in Santiago. We lament the decision and express our support to the Chilean people, facing a difficult situation that makes the nation unable to guarantee the safety that an event of such magnitude requires. We call on the Chilean State to ensure that the process of change the country is going through is developed with respect for the human rights of all those involved. Abuse from public forces is unacceptable, especially in a process that seeks to repair the social wounds that tarnish our societies. The Chilean government must comply with its human rights obligations. We also urge the State and private sector to take firm steps towards transforming Chile into a country with greater social, environmental and climate justice; and to set an example for Latin America, a region where inequality and injustice have intensified over the years. Underlying the social crisis in Chile is a very serious environmental crisis that has long corroded equity and is part of the spark that ignited social discontent. Two examples of this inadmissible reality include sacrifice zones, where coal-fired power plants have condemned families to suffering a large part of the country's atmospheric pollution, making them sick and truncating their development; and the privatization of water, meaning Chile fails to recognize access to drinking water and sanitation as a human right, and does not prioritize their use for human consumption and the maintenance of ecosystems. Similar problems occur in other countries of the region. We hope that Chile will continue in its role as President of the COP, pushing with more force than ever toward ambitious climate commitments that will help us keep global warming under control while complying with the Paris Agreement. The events of the past month clearly demonstrate that, in the face of crises, changes must come from the people, always protecting and favoring the most vulnerable members of society. Indigenous peoples and rural communities, who have suffered hardest from social and environmental injustice, can often best contribute to the solutions our planet needs. All efforts to combat the climate crisis must ensure a just, participatory energy transition that respects human rights. Chile today has the opportunity to make history by including environmental protection and climate justice as pillars in the construction of a cleaner, fairer and more equitable future. We warmly call on the international community to join in this show of support for the people of Chile. PRESS CONTACT: Victor Quintanilla (México), [email protected], +5215570522107  

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Climate Change, Human Rights

Lessons for moving into a world without fossil fuels

By Javier Dávalos and Florencia Ortúzar Recent social conflict in Ecuador, triggered by the abrupt suspension of diesel and gasoline subsidies, has demonstrated the need for a just energy transition that takes people into account. Measures aimed at ending government support for the production and use of fossil fuels must be progressive and consensual. The extraction of coal, oil and gas produces significant emissions of carbon dioxide and methane, contaminants that cause global warming. Burning these fuels to produce energy also contributes greatly to air pollution, which kills millions of people annually. Nevertheless, governments worldwide spend between 160 and 400 billion dollars each year to subsidize the fossil fuel industry, according to information from the United Nations Environment Program. Total financial support for renewable energy reaches only 121 billion. If we really want to combat the climate crisis and improve our air quality, we much change this situation. Understanding subsidies Public incentives to producers and consumers of coal, oil and natural gas include payments to consumers or businesses and tax deductions. Therefore, even if fuel prices rise steadily, subsidies keep them artificially low. As a result, transportation and trade costs are contained and remain internationally competitive. These subsidies weigh heavily on national economies, which are left without resources that could well be allocated to sectors such as health and education. Support for the industry deepens our dependence on fossil fuels and ties us to a crippling economic system that the planet desperately needs us to escape. It’s important to understand that this dependence is much more acute for the most vulnerable among us, for whom each dollar counts toward quality of life. A just energy transition The events in Ecuador have taught us a valuable lesson: a desirable result does not necessarily justify the way it is carried out. There, the subsidies for diesel and gasoline were eliminated by decree, unilaterally and without prior national dialogue, hitting the poorest sectors of society hardest. This provoked an intense and violent social conflict that forced the government to revoke its decree, which had not even considered the fight against the climate crisis (let alone a just energy transition). Actions of this type, which imply important changes in the basic needs of the population, like the fuel needed for transportation, must be accompanied by protective measures for society’s most vulnerable. It’s time to leave fossil fuel subsidies behind. But their elimination must be framed in serious plans that seek a real transition to a low-carbon way of life. And must be accompanied by supportive actions such as the promotion of local economies, the protection of ecosystems that naturally regulate the climate, the effective improvement of public transport systems, and investment in renewable energy sources. Only in this way will we begin walking in the direction of climate justice. A new social pact to tackle inequality Chile has also erupted in protests in recent weeks. Events there confirm that forgotten segments of society will no longer bear the burden of inequality, and that the time has come to change course. The Chilean crisis is not directly related to fossil fuels subsidies, but it is related to a fundamental problem in Latin America: abysmal social inequality that has for too reigned in our region. Deep social discontent erupted after the government increased the price of public transportation without considering the social consequences it would have. When commodity prices rise, the most vulnerable will always be the hardest hit. Therefore, these changes must incorporate actions that close social gaps rather than aggravate them. Like Ecuador, Chile has shown us that it is time to aim further, beyond palliative measures that affect the pockets of the poorest, in search of a new social pact. The current social and environmental crisis can be taken as a unique opportunity to begin building a more just society, putting an end to the serious inequalities that have long afflicted our countries, our region and the world.  

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Human Rights

Bogota Declaration for the protection of environmental defenders

As people from 10 different countries who have been awarded the Goldman Environmental Prize, in addition to other environmental defenders, who are contributing to the protection of the environment and the struggle for life, who have come together today in Bogotá with colleagues from throughout our region, we express our solidarity with advocates and communities in Colombia and throughout Latin America and the Caribbean that are currently facing the highest level of risk for their work to protect life on Earth. Therefore, we call on governments, companies, financial institutions, investors, and entities to actively and effectively protect and respect the life and rights of advocates, those of their families, and their communities. We are aware of the serious human rights violations of vulnerable populations, especially of local communities and indigenous people, communities of African descent and farmers, which we face in Latin America and throughout the world. We demand an end to legal persecution and criminalization of our brothers and sisters who defend life and justice, and justice for those whose lives have been forcibly taken from them in this struggle. We hope that our work inspires many young people and others, whose work in turn inspires many more globally. We are convinced that, together, we can address the climate crisis—through collaborative work focused around knowledge and respect for the rights and diverse communities of the world. We call on humanity to stand in solidarity and act in accordance with the work of advocates, and to use peaceful means, art, and motherly love to continue achieving the transformation that the planet and humanity require to protect both people and life. We urge Colombia to continue promoting the dream of achieving peace between Colombians and nature. Turning the page on violence is the path for the next generations to inherit: a better Colombia, Latin America, Caribbean and world.   Signatories Francia Márquez (Colombia) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2018 Bertha Zuñiga Cáceres (Honduras), daughter of Bertha Cáceres, Goldman Environmental Prize, 2015 Ruth Buendía (Peru), Goldman Environmental Prize, 2014 Nohra Padilla (Colombia) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2013 Sofía Gatica (Argentina) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2012 Francisco Pineda (El Salvador) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2011 Humbero Ríos Labrada (Cuba) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2010 Jesús León Santos (Mexico) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2008 María Elena Foronda Farro (Peru) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2003 Jean La Rose (Guyana) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2002 Elías Díaz Peña (Paraguay) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2000 Oscar Rivas (Paraguay) Goldman Environmental Prize, 2000 Jorge Varela (Honduras) Goldman Environmental Prize, 1999 Berito Kuwaruwa (Colombia) Goldman Environmental Prize, 1998 Juan Pablo Orrego (Chile) Goldman Environmental Prize, 1997 Evaristo Nugkuag (Peru) Goldman Environmental Prize, 1991 Stiefen Petrust (Suriname) Eliana Torrico Tejada (Bolivia)   Danielle Duarte Gomes (Brazil)   Antonia Melo Da Silva (Brazil)   Liliana Ávila (Colombia)   Juana Hofman (Colombia)   Javier Ibarraga Ospina (Colombia)   Alix Mancilla (Colombia)   Blanca Inés Pérez (Colombia)   Rosa Peña (Colombia) Astrid Puentes Riaño (Colombia, Mexico) Andrea Cerami (Mexico)   Jorge García Lucas (Guatemala)   Severina Morales Pérez (Guatemala)   Joaquín Raymundo González (Guatemala)   Jovita Tzul (Guatemala)   Julián López (Mexico)   Marcelina López (Mexico)   Leydy Aracely Pech Martín (Mexico)   Elena Villafuerte (Mexico)   Liliana Caruhuaz (Peru)   Eddy Peña (Peru)   Katherine Sánchez (Peru)    

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AIDA Statement on the Situation in Ecuador

The Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) recognizes the positive steps made in Ecuador through the United Nations-mediated dialogue between the government and the indigenous movement.  The mediation follows weeks of conflict stemming from the government’s elimination of diesel and gas subsidies through decree 883. In a context of global climate emergency, it is necessary to eliminate subsidies for fossil fuels and any other market distortion that promotes their continued exploitation and use. However, no measure will be successful if it is not done with full awareness of the impacts it implies for the most vulnerable segments of the population, directly affected by increased prices of transportation and consumer goods. The energy transition must be progressive and respectful of human rights. Only in this way will we be able to move towards true climate justice. Measures such as those adopted in Ecuador must also be framed within proper planning, aimed at moving towards a low-carbon economy, as well as reducing dependence on oil, large-scale mining and other sectors that contribute to the climate crisis. AIDA commends the commitment of the government and the indigenous movement to developing a new decree in a joint and participatory manner. The recent conflict demonstrates the need to strengthen a plurinational and multicultural State, where decisions are discussed and agreed upon with indigenous peoples and all national actors. Ecuador now has the opportunity to set a key precedent at the global level by designing comprehensive policies that support the fulfillment of its climate commitments and at the same time respect and protect its people, especially vulnerable groups. We hope that the dialogue will be successful and will serve as an example of the collective construction of climate solutions to ensure participation, respect for human rights, gender equity and, in short, the well-being of present and future generations. press contact: Victor Quintanilla (Mexico), [email protected], +5215570522107  

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