Human Rights

Inputs for the IACHR report on business and human rights

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights prepared a questionnaire to request civil society input for its thematic report Business and Human Rights: Inter-American Standards. Together with various organizations participating in the Working Group on Corporate Accountability of the International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ("ESCR-Net"), AIDA participated in the presentation of a collective response to the questionnaire initiated by the Commission. AIDA contributed reflections on issues such as obstacles to enjoyment of human rights within business operations in sensitive and / or complex ecosystems; as well as the obligations and international legal standards on investigation, rendering of accounts, prevention, due diligence, supervision and reparation in matters of business and human rights.

The women defending Guatemala’s rivers from large dams

When Maria gets up each morning, the first thing she does is open the tap in her house to see if there’s any water. If there is, she prepares coffee and, within a few hours, food for her family. Her house is alive with plants and animals. Dogs, cats and chickens surround her as she lights the wood stove, carrying her young son on her back. Maria lives in Ixquisis, a region of northwestern Guatemala near the Mexican border, in the department of Huehuetenango. There, water springs from the earth and large rivers like the Pojom and the Negro flow through the mountains. For Maria, the river is a special place. There, she meets with other women and washes clothes, a traditional activity for women in her community, most of whom are indigenous. Each afternoon, as the water flows steadily downstream, they talk about their families, their to-do lists, their joys and their worries. Last month, Maria joined with the other women of Ixquisis to speak about the threats the dams pose to their way of life.  They were part of a workshop AIDA organized in collaboration with Protection International and the International Platform Against Impunity. Maria’s life has changed a lot since they started building the Pojom II and San Andrés dams, and she’s been losing sleep. Before the construction of the dams began, Maria used to fish. By submerging a basket in the river, she gathered—as if by magic—snails, shrimp and small fish. These are riches the river no longer provides. Instead, the once pristine river has become filled with garbage, rubble and other debris. The workers use its water to wash cars and machinery. “One day we will run out of water and we won’t be able to live,” Maria said, echoing the primary fear of the women of Ixquisis. “Our children will suffer.” Their fear is well founded. Many families like Maria’s already suffer from stomach and skin diseases that they associate with water pollution. Before the workshop, the women of Ixquisis hadn’t had the opportunity to speak publicly about the importance of water and the rivers in their lives. They hadn’t been able to explain how their rivers had changed since the dams’ construction began. They had also never been provided with information about the projects. But even without knowing the details of the dams, Maria and her neighbors understood that the water in their homes no longer arrived as cleanly or as regularly as before. Time and again, they have peacefully expressed their opposition to the dams. But their voices have been stigmatized and shaken by fear of reprisal. Before Maria walked calmly through her community, even at night. She now leaves the house in fear. But the people of Ixquisis have the support of people and organizations that work to protect the environment and human rights. The international organization Front Line Defenders, for example, recently awarded them the 2018 Award for Human Rights Defenders at Risk.  One day after the women’s workshop, we organized a second meeting attended by the men of the region. The lack of water has affected their main subsistence activity: the cultivation of bananas, cardamom, vegetables and other products they take to market. Because their harvests have decreased, they must now work more hours to obtain the same profit. I learned a lot from Maria. Her strength, as well as that of all the residents of Ixquisis, comes from her respect for nature and all it offers them. I share that feeling and channel it into my work as an AIDA attorney, legally advising the men and women of Ixquisis on how to defend their territory. I work so that water will continue to flow from their taps, and so that they can one day walk again without fear, in search of a healthier future for their children.  

Communities affected by Hidroituango dam in Colombia file complaint at IDB

In the midst of the humanitarian crisis caused by the Hidroituango dam project in the Cauca river basin, local communities request that the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)’s accountability mechanism investigate whether the financial entity violated its environmental and social standards when investing in the project. Washington, D.C. Communities affected by the construction of the Hidroituango dam in Antioquia, Colombia, filed a complaint with the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (MICI) of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) at its Washington, DC headquarters today. The complaint requests that this accountability office investigate whether the IDB, through both its public and private lending arms, violated its own social and environmental standards when it invested in the project. Through the complaint, the affected communities, represented by Movimiento Ríos Vivos Antioquia, highlight that the bank did not follow its policies that investment projects must be sustainable, participatory and respectful of national legislation in the case of HidroItuango. There was no adequate environmental impact assessment, communities did not have access to participation or information, and the project occurs in a context of human rights violations and disproportionate use of force. It has also endangered the lives of thousands of people, who have had to be evacuated ad hoc due to the dam crisis. This contradicts the social and environmental standards required of IDB investments. The hydroelectric plant will be the largest in Colombia, with a 49 mile (79 km) reservoir that will flood a surface of 11,120 acres (4,500 hectares). The IDB Group has financed the project through various types of investment. In 2012, it approved a $2 million in technical cooperation for the Colombian State and in 2016, $550 million in direct investments to the company in charge of the project, Empresas Públicas de Medellín (EPM). In addition, the IDB manages a $1 billion loan package for the project, with funds from multiple institutional investors, including banks in Europe (KfW IPEX (Germany), BNP Paribas (France), BBVA y Banco Santander (Spain)), Asia (ICBC (China), Sumitomo Mitsui (Japan)), and Canada (CDPQ). The MICI responds to complaints from individuals and communities affected by IDB-financed development projects. The communities settled in the Cauca river basin and its tributaries that are affected by Hidroituango, are accompanied in the complaint process by the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) and International Accountability Project (IAP). The claim comes amid a humanitarian crisis in the dam construction area and a wave of increasing violence against people who are defending their territory and water and oppose the project. What began on April 28 with the obstruction of one of the dam's tunnels has resulted in landslides, floods, and thousands of people displaced from their homes. All this has exposed the inadequate evaluation of project impacts and the poor environmental regulation under which the project was authorized on every front. The state of emergency in the area is still in effect, and neither the Colombian government or the company has ruled out the risk of the dam collapsing. The members of Movimiento Ríos Vivos have suffered multiple threats, intimidations, and rights violations. Between May 2 and 8, two of its members were killed. In addition, the region where the dam is located has been affected by historical violence and armed conflict. press contacts Isabel Zuleta, Movimiento Ríos Vivos Antioquia, +57 3217347264, [email protected] Carla García, Center for International Environmental Law, [email protected] Astrid Puentes, Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense, [email protected]             Carlos Lozano, Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense, [email protected] Alexandre Sampaio, International Accountability Project, [email protected]  

The flame that ignited Nicaragua’s protests

On April 3, a wildfire broke out in the Indio Maíz Biological Reserve in southeast Nicaragua. The government’s slow and inadequate response to the fire marked the beginning of a struggle that continues to this day—a struggle to uphold democracy and protect our rights. Using the hash tag #SOSIndioMaíz, hundreds of university students organized a peaceful protest to demand the government of President Daniel Ortega, in its eleventh year, act quickly to battle the blazes and save the reserve. The students gathered peacefully in the streets on April 12 and 13, but their protest was repressed by the police and para-police groups. Located along the border with Costa Rica, Indio Maíz is considered the second most important natural reserve in the country and one of the largest in Central America. According to experts, the site is vital for the maintenance of a unified block of tropical forest through which thousands of wild animals travel—it connects with Barra de Colorado National Wildlife Refuge and Tortuguero National Park, both in Costa Rica. Indio Maíz also protects several of Nicaragua’s most important water basins. Despite the reserve’s importance, the government waited three days to react to the fire. Then, it filled the area with military personnel and prevented independent media from entering. When the NGO Fundación del Río informed the people of the late response, the government threated to cancel their legal status. Costa Rica’s offer to send firefighters to help battle the blaze was rejected. What resulted was the destruction of more than 5,000 hectares of forest in the reserve’s core area, a disaster that nationally renowned scientist Jaimes Incer Barquero called “the most serious environmental problem in the history of Nicaragua.” The awakening of a nation Many of the young people who demanded the protection of Indio Maíz took to the streets again on April 18 to show their dissatisfaction with reforms to the Social Security Law, announced two days before. Environmentalists, pensioners, journalists, black and indigenous activists, and people from across the national spectrum joined them. The government’s repression was repeated and the message was clear: in Nicaragua protest was forbidden. The next day, April 19, the demonstrations grew exponentially. Thousands of people joined from every corner of the country. With the growing crowds, the government’s response intensified as well. A wave of state violence and repression has, as of May 21, left 76 people dead and 868 wounded, most in the context of the protests; five remain in critical condition. In addition, 438 people have been arrested, among them students, civilians, human rights defenders and journalists. The figures above come from the preliminary observations of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which made a special visit to the country in May. Undoubtedly, as journalist Carlos Fernando Chamorro has stated, it has been “the worst bloodbath in the history of Nicaragua during peacetime.” Environmental defense in Nicaragua Over the last decade, environment struggles like that of Indio Maíz have been gaining strength across the nation. One of the most iconic has been the movement demanding the cancellation of the law that authorized the Interoceanic Grand Canal—the Antichannel Campesino Movement, led by the fearless Francisca Ramírez. The canal threatens to strip thousands of Nicaraguans of their land and put the country’s biodiversity at grave risk. In their five years of resistance, the movement has been victim to repression, threats and persecution. Another example can be found in the National Environmentalist Movement Against Industrial Mining. This year, in a public hearing for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, members denounced human rights violations and the criminalization of defenders in the context of extractive industries. These struggles have faced off against a State with corruption problems, weakened institutions, alliances with private economic interests, and little will to protect natural resources. Added to this are the criminalization of citizen protest and the persecution of people who speak out in defense of the environment and human rights. But Nicaragua has changed. The flames of Indio Maíz revived the people’s consciousness and ignited their desire for free manifestation, a right guaranteed by our Political Constitution (but denied by the current government’s reign). The peaceful protests of April and May are the result of a decade of abuses and the systematic denial of our rights. Nicaraguans are fighting today for the true democratization of our country, which I hope will come hand-in-hand with respect for our right to a healthy environment.   

Organizations call for support for communities affected by Colombia’s Hidroituango dam

Communities affected by the Hidroituango dam have denounced the murder of two of their members over the past few days. In addition, a recent obstruction in one of the dam’s tunnels means the dam is at risk of overflowing, which could cause an avalanche of mud and debris. Allies are calling on authorities to investigate the harms to local communities and provide adequate support for those affected.  Two members of Movimiento Ríos Vivos Antioquia, the coalition of communities affected by Colombia’s Hidroituango Dam, have been murdered in the last several days.  Hugo Albeiro George Pérez and Luis Alberto Torres Montoya were murdered on May 2 and 8, respectively, according to statements from Ríos Vivos. Members of the movement have also suffered threats, intimidation, and human rights violations due to their defense of their land and the Cauca River. At the same time, residents of towns downstream from the dam are living in fear and uncertainty this week, faced with a potential environmental catastrophe. The imminent danger is caused by an obstruction in one of the dam’s diversion tunnels that, by interrupting the flow of the Cauca River, could cause the dam to overflow with such force that it would release not just water but an avalanche of mud and debris. The Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA), the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), and the International Accountability Project (IAP) express our support for Movimiento Ríos Vivos of Antioquia and the communities affected by the Hidroituango Dam in Colombia. We demand that Colombia’s environmental authorities find and punish those responsible for the murders, as well as investigate the ongoing damages caused by the dam’s construction. We also call on the national government to promptly and adequately provide support for affected families. Hidroituango, expected to become Colombia’s largest dam, will affect 12 municipalities, changing the lives of thousand of families that depend directly on the river. The project has received funding from IDB Invest, the private-sector branch of the Inter-American Development Bank. Press contact: Víctor Quintanilla, AIDA, +521 5570522107, [email protected]  

Civil society organizations denounce assassination of member of Movimiento Ríos Vivos in Colombia

We stand in solidarity with the Movimiento, and we request that the Colombian State investigate this act and punish those responsible. Furthermore, we ask that Colombia adopt urgent and effective measures to stop ongoing violence against environmental defenders. The undersigned national and international organizations categorically condemn the assassination in Colombia of Mr. Hugo Albeiro George Pérez, member of Movimiento Ríos Vivos. Movimiento Ríos Vivos denounced the murder of Mr. George, who is a member of the Asociación de Víctimas y Afectados por Megaproyectos (ASVAM) El Aro—part of Movimiento Ríos Vivos Antioquia—and who, along with his family, was affected by the construction of the Hidroituango dam. The incident, in which his nephew Domar Egidio Zapata George was also killed, occurred on May 2, 2018, in Puerto Valdivia, Antioquia, in the context of regional community mobilizations against the social and environmental risks of the damming of the Cauca River. Hidroituango would be the largest dam in Colombia, with a height of 225 meters and a storage capacity of 20 million cubic meters of water. The project will affect 12 municipalities and impact thousands of families who depend on the river. The project is being financed by a loan package from IDB Invest, the private-sector arm of the Inter-American Development Bank. For defending the land and the Cauca River, Movimiento Ríos Vivos has been the target of threats, intimidation, and human rights violations. The owners of the Hidroituango project must respect human rights and act with due diligence in assessing the impacts of the dam’s construction. In response to the incident, we express our solidarity with Movimiento Ríos Vivos and with the family of Hugo Albeiro George Pérez. We request that the Office of the Attorney General of Colombia investigate this act in an expedited manner and that the appropriate court penalize those responsible. Likewise, and in the context of worsening violence against environmental defenders in the region, we demand that the government guarantee a safe setting for the work of Movimiento Ríos Vivos and to take all necessary precautions to stop the threats, intimidation, and murders against those who defend the environment and their territory. Finally, we request that environmental authorities investigate the impacts communities suffer due to the damming of the Cauca River and that the government provide assistance to the families affected by the project. Accion Ecologica, RedLar Ecuador. Afro-Colombian Solidarity Network. Alianza Internacional de Habitantes. Alianza para la Conservación y el Desarrollo, Panamá. Asamblea Veracruzana de Iniciativas y Defensa Ambiental, Lavida, México. Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense. Bank Information Center. Bretton Woods Project, Londres. CEE Bankwatch Network, Hungría Center for International Environmental Law, Estados Unidos. Centro de Derechos Económicos y Sociales, Ecuador. Coordinadora de Afectados por Grandes Embalses y Trasvases, Coagret.   Colombia Grasssrooots Support, New Jersey, Estados Unidos. Colombia Human Rights Committee, Washington, DC, Estados Unidos. Colombia Land Rights Monitor. Consejo de los Pueblos Wuxtaj/CPO, Guatemala. Convergencia por los Derechos Humanos, Guatemala. Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, Perú. Due Process of Law Foundation, Estados Unidos. Earthrights International. Ecosistemas Chile, Chile. Environmental Investigation Agency, Estados Unidos. Fundación Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, Argentina. Fundación Chile Sustentable, Chile. Fundar, Mexico. Front Line Defenders, Reino Unido. Global Witness, Reino Unido.   IISCAL, Estados Unidos.   International Accountability Project, Estados Unidos. International Labor Rights Forum. International Rivers. Latin America Working Group, Estados Unidos.   Movement for Peace in Colombia, New York, Estados Unidos.  Movimiento Mexicano de Afectados por las Presas y en Defensa de los Ríos, México. Movimiento Victoriano Lorenzo. Not1More. Oxfam. Plataforma Continental Somos una América. Pueblos Unidos de la Cuenca Antigua.  Servicios para una Educación Alternativa, México. Taller de Comunicación Ambiental, Rosario. Washington Office on Latin America, Estados Unidos. Press contact: Víctor Quintanilla, AIDA, +521 5570522107, [email protected]  

Brazil must respond to human rights violations caused by the Belo Monte Dam

In representation of communities affected by the Belo Monte Dam, we have submitted final arguments in the case against Brazil before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The report presents scientific evidence of the forced displacement of indigenous and traditional communities, the mass die-off of fish, differentiated harms to men and women, and threats to the survival of local communities in the Brazilian Amazon. Washington, DC, United States and Altamira, Brazil. Furthering the formal complaint against the State of Brazil for human rights violations caused by the construction of the Belo Monte Dam, organizations representing affected communities presented their final arguments before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. They demonstrate the damages Belo Monte has caused to indigenous and traditional communities, and residents of Altamira, the city closest to the dam. “Human rights violations are a daily occurence for those affected by the dam, so it’s urgent that our petition before the Commission advance to sanction the government and guarantee our rights,” proclaimed Antônia Melo, coordinator of the Movimiento Xingu Vivo para Siempre, a citizens’ collective formed in the face of the dam’s implementation. The report presented before the Commission shows that the damages resulted from a severe lack of foresight and inadequate evaluation, as well as from failure to comply with the conditions for operation established by the government. The many risks denounced prior to the dam’s construction have since become long-term damages—many of which have affected men and women, and youth and the elderly, in different ways. “This report is a vital step forward for the people of the Xingu River basin, who are now closer than ever to achieving justice, forcing Brazil to respond to the violations committed, and ensuring that what happened on the Xingu never happens again,” said Astrid Puentes Riaño, co-director of the Inter-American Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA). Together with the Paraense Society for Human Rights (SDDH) and Justiça Global, AIDA represents the affected communities before the Commission. The report also documents the displacement of indigenous and traditional communities forced to leave their territories without adequate alternatives, placing their cultural survival at risk. Among the affected populations are communities dedicated to fishing, who have not yet been compensated for the loss of livelihood. The dam has caused mass die-offs of fish and, although authorities have imposed millions in fines, the report demonstrates that the underlying problem has not been resolved. Local communities now have limited use of the Xingu River as a source of food, sustenance, transportation and entertainment. The report also documents—among other serious harms—the disappearance of traditional trades, such as brickmakers and cart drivers, and of traditional cultural practices. Women, for example, have stopped giving birth in their homes and must now go to a hospital, a reality that has drastically worsened due to the oversaturation of health and education services in Altamira caused by the recent population surge. The complaint against Brazil was presented before the Commission in 2011, the year the international organism granted protective measures to indigenous people affected by the dam’s construction. The case against Brazil officially opened in December 2015. Then, last October, in a rare move designed to speed up the processing of the case, the Commission decided to unite two stages that, as a rule, are normally processed separately. Under this framework, the organizations and the State are required to present their final arguments, after which the Commission will make a decision. “We hope the Commission refers the case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights as soon as possible, and that it recommends Brazil adopt the measures necessary to protect the life, integrity, and right to property of the indigenous and traditional communities affected by the dam,” said Raphaela Lopes, attorney at Justiça Global. “After being subject to all forms of rights violations, starting from the very beginning of this project, these communities need integral reparation; their right to free, prior and informed consent was not honored.” The Commission must now prepare a report to conclude whether or not human rights violations occurred as a result of the Belo Monte Dam, in which it may issue recommendations for remediation. If those recommendations are unfulfilled, the case may be referred to the Inter-American Court on Human Rights, which has the power to issue a ruling condemning Brazil. Belo Monte has been in operation since early 2015, though a series of judicial suspensions resulting from non-compliance with its permits means that construction has yet to be completed. Although Belo Monte has caused great harm to the people of the Xingu, Brazil now has an opportunity to avoid inflicting more damage and begin making efforts to better their quality of life. For that to happen, a prompt decision by the Commission is vital. Find more information about the case here. Press contacts: Víctor Quintanilla (México), AIDA, [email protected], +521 5570522107 Raphaela Lopes (Brasil), Justiça Global, [email protected], + 55 21 99592-7017  

Defending communities from fracking’s advance in Argentina

In a country highly dependent on hydrocarbons, human rights and those of nature are often overlooked. That's why in Argentina, AIDA and our allies are supporting the efforts of communities and organizations to avoid the damages caused by fracking. In Neuquén province in Argentine Patagonia, a large metal structure rises high above the apple trees. It’s one of many fracking wells that have been installed in this rich natural area. A single well like this one requires roughly 11 million liters of water for operation, the equivalent to 18 years of water consumption for an average family.  Despite being internationally recognized as an experimental, risky and contaminating process, fracking is spreading rapidly through Argentina, affecting the land and water of the Mapuche people and other local communities.  Much of the nation’s exploration is taking place at Vaca Muerta, the largest unconventional gas reserve in Latin America. Roughly 30 thousand square kilometers, the site covers four Argentine provinces: Neuquén, Rio Negro, La Pampa and Mendoza.  The expansion of fracking has brought with it problems like pollution and great harm to the livelihoods of local communities, including the Mapuche, who are forced to find new ways of living on their land in order to avoid migration to urban centers.  Oil companies generate unstable and short-term employment. And, due to the increase in the price of land, the residents of the area must earn more money to maintain their standard of living.  In a country that gets 90 percent of its energy from hydrocarbons, the government has failed to prioritize the rights of indigenous peoples, of children and of nature. Instead, it has favored the economic income of a highly unsustainable activity.  That’s why the efforts of communities and civil society organizations to resist the blind advance of fracking are fundamental.  “What motivates me is caring for our land and water; nature is not ours, we belong to it,” stated Santiago Cane, member of the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN), an organization that is using the courts to stop fracking.  FARN filed a writ of amparo to invalidate the authorizations granted for the exploitation of four fracking wells in Mendoza. The environmental authority granted the permits in July 2017, in a record time of six days, without requiring an Environmental Impact Assessment. The lawsuit, which AIDA is supporting from our experience in international environmental law, remains in process.  “In Mendoza, fracking is advancing at a rapid pace,” Santiago explained. “The national and provincial governments are not taking into account the potentially irreversible pollution of water sources that serve several cities.”  In fact, Mendoza is a province that has suffered from water scarcity for years, a problem aggravated by climate change.  Those who promote fracking in Mendoza also overlook the fact that, by contaminating both surface and ground water supplies, the toxic chemicals used in fracking will likely reach the Llancanelo lagoon, a wetland of international importance located in the foothills of the Andes Mountains. The lagoon is a mandatory passage and rest area for more than 130 species of resident and migratory birds.  Additionally, the region is home to the Mapuche people. According to international law, indigenous peoples like the Mapuche must give their free, prior and informed consent to any activity that affects their territory. That right is not being respected in this case.  “I am motivated by the idea of a different economy that does not deprecate nature and that does not generate the accumulation of wealth within small groups of society,” Santiago adds.  FARN, together with AIDA, is part of the Latin American Alliance on Fracking, a coalition of organizations that work to slow fracking’s advance in the region.  Together we will continue our work to avoid fracking’s damages to our land and water. We are convinced that the power to stop fracking lies with the people. 

Supporting Cajamarca’s fight to defend its territory from mining

Women, water and life: the vital connection

As a woman and an environmental defender, I find it necessary to commemorate the role of women in the protection of our natural heritage. I feel a special pull toward making visible the links between environmental defense, courage, and gender.  Women are the first victims of environmental deterioration, but they’re also the greatest protagonists in the defense and conservation of nature.  Although it may seem like women and the environment are two different topics, there are subtle—but strong—links between the two, particularly when it comes to water. Women have an important relationship with water—they are both sources of life and fundamental to existence. It’s not surprising, then, that women can often be seen leading struggles in defense of water, especially within indigenous and rural populations. Joan Martínez Alier, professor of economics at the Autonomous University of Barcelona and an expert in political ecology, explained to Agencia EFE that often, socio-environmental conflicts involving mining or the privatization of water directly affect the survival of communities and, for that reason, women act in defense of water as they would in defense of their land or their family: bravely and completely. Little is known, however, about the knowledge and experience of women in water management. In many cases, especially in the Global South, the administration of water resources, as well as the elaboration and implementation of related policies, doesn’t take into account gender roles and lacks a differentiated approach. In rural Colombia, for example, women bring water to their homes from rivers or springs, boil it for use in the kitchen, and care for it. Despite their central role, they are not consulted when decisions are made locally or nationally about the water supply. It’s necessary to bring visibility to the role women play in water management, give equal recognition to the interests of men and women, and promote equal access to decision-making spaces. Only in that way can we advance towards greater equality. It’s important to remember that Latin America is one of the most dangerous regions in the world to be an environmental defender, and more dangerous still for women. Many women, who fight silently from their communities or from their leadership roles, have suffered the violence and injustice that comes with defending what is theirs. I must take a moment now to remember and honor Berta Cáceres, the indigenous activist and leader of the Civil Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), who dedicated her life to the defense of the Gualcarque River. Berta was murdered in March 2016, after years of threats stemming from her opposition of the Agua Zarca Dam. She may be gone, but her spirit, and her commitment to justice, is still very much alive. I’d also like to mention my colleagues, courageous friends, and allies who through their struggles are shaping a more just and equitable world. They believe, with all their hearts, that gender justice comes hand-in-hand with environmental justice. In our current reality, equality, more than a starting point, is a goal we must work towards. Concrete actions are needed to counterbalance the discrimination that affects us all. That’s why it is fundamental to incorporate the gender approach in any plan, program, project or mechanism of public administration. As the World Bank mentions in a 2002 report, the way to ensure both men and women benefit more equitably from policies is to make their needs and experiences an integral part of them. Life depends on women, as it does on water. That’s why we proudly act as stubborn defenders of not just water, but of all natural resources and of those who depend on them. Although not always visible, our struggle is as present as the water that travels in so many ways across our planet. It’s important that we come together in support of one another—in our victories and our defeats. May we continue sharing our fears and our fights and, above all else, may we never abandon the defense of our territory—because it defines us and to it we owe everything. I’ve always thought that water has the face of a woman. Every day now, I see it more clearly.