Climate Change


Plenaria de cierre de la la vigésimo octava Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático (COP28) en Dubai.
Climate Change, Human Rights

After COP28 in Dubai: The complex road to Baku and Belém

By Javier Dávalos, Claudia Velarde and Marcella Ribeiro*   The twenty-eighth United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28), held in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, was the largest ever in terms of the number of participants. The representatives of the States Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement held intense discussions under the scrutiny of stakeholders from various sectors. The final results lack the clarity and ambition needed to define the next round of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). However, the fact that for the first time in almost 30 years all fossil fuels (coal, oil and gas) were mentioned in the main decision of the meeting represents a before and after in climate negotiations. This fact also marks the way towards the next conferences: COP29 in Baku (Azerbaijan) and COP30 in Belém do Pará (Brazil). Below we take stock of COP28 and analyze its implications for the future of climate action in Latin America and the Caribbean.   Progress at COP28 For the first time, the outcome document mentioned the need for a transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems in a fair, orderly and equitable manner, accelerating action in this critical decade.  The text of the global stocktake of the state of implementation of the Paris Agreement also clearly stated the goals of tripling renewable energy and doubling energy efficiency. The Glasgow target for reducing methane emissions by 2030 was affirmed, as was the exit from inefficient fossil fuel subsidies. Key elements of the work program on just transition pathways were defined, including its scope, objectives, results and institutional arrangements.     What was missing at COP28 With regard to the energy transition, there was a need for greater determination to close the door on false climate solutions. On the one hand, there was a call to accelerate nuclear energy and abatement and elimination technologies (carbon capture, utilization and storage) and, on the other, it was noted that "transition fuels" could facilitate this process while ensuring energy security, implicitly giving a free pass to fossil gas. In terms of adaptation, no real progress was made towards a framework for climate action based on the protection of the ocean, wetlands and forests. Nor was there reinforcement of operational synergies between the key policy processes governing terrestrial, freshwater, coastal and marine ecosystems worldwide. While the first step was taken to operationalize the Loss and Damage Fund, the decision did not include a reference to human rights in its objectives and mission. In addition, it limited the participation of indigenous peoples and local communities on the Board of the Fund under the category of invited observers. It also failed to mention the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, meaning that the fund would be financed solely by grants. In addition, the World Bank was designated as the fund's administrator, putting at risk that the communities most affected by the impacts of the climate crisis would have access to resources in an agile, direct and debt-free manner. Regarding the just transition, it was not recognized that the energy transition puts different pressures on the territories where raw materials or critical minerals such as lithium, copper and cobalt are obtained. This affects Latin America in particular. As a result, developed and developing nations disagreed on whether to keep the transition at the national or international level. And so the transition was not considered an integral and plural transformation process that implies creating socio-political conditions to restructure the organization, ownership and distribution of the current production and consumption systems for the enjoyment of the right to energy. The countries failed to reach an agreement on the substantive elements of the new quantified financing target. Progress was limited to definitions of the process and procedures for defining it. In 2024, there will be at least three technical dialogues to discuss the elements of the target such as amounts, timelines, financing targets by area, and how progress will be measured.   What's next: Heading towards COP29 and COP30 The next climate conferences will have to navigate complex contexts, marked by the long-standing crisis of multilateralism, the unfair distribution of burdens for the energy transition—particularly in terms of the exploitation of critical minerals—,and the growing co-optation of negotiations by the corporate interests of fossil-related companies.  In this context, the performance of Latin American countries at COP28 is an indication of how their positions for COP29 and COP30 will be constructed: Brazil sought to position itself as a "climate champion" but could not hide its strong fossil fuel extraction agenda. As host of the upcoming COP30, Brazil tried and failed to explain away membership in the expanded Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC+) without success. Then, days after COP28, it tendered 613 oil blocks in the Amazon with a view to becoming the world's fourth largest oil producer by 2030. Despite this, Brazil created a new work program on the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, which it will take as a banner to COP30, together with the protection of nature and the fight against deforestation. Colombia, for its part, was the most vocal leader on the urgent need for transition, announcing its accession to the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty and maintaining clear interventions on the exit from fossil fuels in its panels and public interventions, which positions it as a regional leader for the upcoming conferences.  Ecuador missed the opportunity to obtain funding and support from the international community to implement the Ecuadorian people's decision to close the ITT oil field in Yasuni Park. This omission could be remedied at COP29 because, beyond the delicate internal context, the South American country has just under a year to comply with the legal obligation to implement this decision and the international community can and should support the decision to close the ITT oil field in Yasuní Park. In another area, and within the process of the Advisory Opinion on the Climate Emergency, AIDA, together with other organizations, requested that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights refer to the decision adopted at COP28 regarding the Loss and Damage Fund, as it does not comply with or satisfy the obligations of States under international human rights law. It is expected that the Court will recognize the right to climate reparations and clarify that the establishment, implementation and operation of this fund does not exclude the possibility of making claims for reparations for losses and damages, nor does it block other judicial or administrative processes, measures or mechanisms for access to justice and comprehensive reparations for people affected by climate impacts.   *Javier Dávalos is coordinator of AIDA's Climate Program, Claudia Velarde is co-coordinator of the Ecosystems Program, and Marcella Ribeiro is a senior attorney with the Human Rights and Environment Program.  

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Our vision for a just future

Latin America is key to protecting biodiversity and combating the global climate crisis. Its forests, wetlands and marine ecosystems are among the most important carbon sinks on the planet, a service weakened by activities such as the exploitation and use of fossil fuels. At AIDA, we envision a region where the environment and communities, especially those in highly vulnerable situations, have lasting protections. To achieve this, we select precedent-setting cases that result in new, replicable tools and strategies that add to the protection of a healthy environment in the region. Having celebrated 25 years of working for the right to a healthy environment in the region, AIDA is poised to enter a new quarter century as a robust, multidisciplinary organization. In the coming years, we will continue and strengthen our pursuit of environmental and climate justice through two interconnected initiatives, each with defined lines of work:   1. Promotion of a just energy transition A just energy transition implies transforming the power relations between those who pollute the most and the rest of the world, avoiding the deepening of socio-environmental conflicts and protecting the rights of communities and people involved in energy generation processes. As this is an issue that cannot be addressed only at the national level, AIDA will contribute its regional vision to increase the scope of local and national decisions, enhance legal strategies, and strengthen a proposal for the continent’s transition. We will focus on: Avoiding dependence on oil and gas. Halting the extraction and use of coal. Promoting renewable and sustainable energies. Advocating for human rights-based climate finance and governance.   2. Protection of life-sustaining systems The ecosystem services that sustain life in Latin America and the world—including natural carbon capture and storage to mitigate the climate crisis, and the provision of clean food, air, and water - are at risk due to the lack of ambitious and effective actions. To ensure the livelihoods of life systems on the continent, both in rural communities and large cities, AIDA will focus its efforts on: Protecting the ocean, from the coasts to the high seas. Preserving freshwater sources and traditional territories. Defending culture and traditional livelihoods. Improving air quality.   In the coming years, from our regional perspective, we will continue to contribute to solutions that center nature and communities, and that effectively address the continent’s social and environmental challenges.  

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Selva amazónica

The triple planetary crisis: What is it and what can we do about it?

You may have heard that humanity is facing "a triple planetary crisis.” In the words of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, this crisis "threatens the well-being and survival of millions of people around the world." But what exactly does it mean? The triple planetary crisis refers to three interrelated problems: climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss. Each of these problems is a crisis with its own causes and effects, but all three converge and feed on each other. All three affect human rights, and more intensely impact people in vulnerable conditions.   The climate crisis The United Nations considers climate change to be humanity's most urgent problem and the greatest threat to human rights. Climate change, which involves long-term changes to the planet's temperatures and weather patterns, can completely alter ecosystems. Although changes in climate can occur due to the natural patterns of the planet, what we are facing is caused by human activities. Since the Industrial Revolution, there has been an accelerated change in the planet's average temperatures. One of the primary causes of that change is the exploitation and use of fossil fuels. The climate crisis, then, refers to the consequences of climate change caused by human activities, which include: an increase in the intensity and severity of natural events such as droughts, fires, and storms; rising sea levels and the melting of the poles; changes in the hydrological and climatic cycles that affect biodiversity; and impacts on the enjoyment of human rights.   The pollution and waste crisis The dominant economic system, dependent on consumption, implies the generation of high levels of pollution and waste that have a great impact on human and ecosystem health. Air pollution is the leading cause of disease and premature death worldwide. The World Health Organization estimates that 7 million people die prematurely each year because of poor air quality. Air degradation is caused by emissions from factories, transportation, and forest fires. Those who lack access to less harmful technologies for cooking or keeping warm also breathe polluted air in their homes. Air pollution is related to climate change, as many of the emissions also warm the planet. Pollution caused by plastics and microplastics is another global concern, as it directly affects biodiversity. An increasing number of studies are finding that plastics are affecting the health of people and other living things. They take centuries to decompose, and are derived from petroleum, a fossil fuel. And we can’t forget pollution caused by extractive activities which, in addition to generating greenhouse gas emissions and leaving in their wake chemicals that are toxic to health, degrade freshwater sources and large tracts of land.   The biodiversity loss crisis Biodiversity loss refers to the decrease and disappearance of biological diversity: flora, fauna, and ecosystems. This crisis is caused by the two previous crises, in addition to the overexploitation of resources and changes in land use—which cause overfishing, illegal hunting and trafficking, and deforestation—and the introduction of non-native and invasive species. This loss also implies the decline of many of the species on which we depend. Its impacts extend to affect food supplies and access to fresh water. One example is the Amazon, the world's largest tropical forest and a global climate stabilizer. It is home to 10 percent of the planet's known biodiversity and is the ancestral home of more than 470 indigenous and traditional peoples. The Amazon is endangered by colonization, deforestation, and extractive activities, among other threats. The situation is so serious that the point of no return for the Amazon, in which deforestation levels cancel out its capacity for regeneration, is no longer a future scenario.   Actions to confront the triple planetary crisis The triple planetary crisis is a complex problem involving diverse stakeholders and requiring multidisciplinary solutions. Although local actions and individual lifestyle changes can help, many of the necessary actions require decisions on a global scale and profound changes to economic, political, and social systems. According to the United Nations, global actions to confront the crises must include: Limiting global temperature increase to 1.5 degrees: this means that global emissions should be reduced by 45 percent by 2030, with the goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2050. Accelerating the expansion of clean renewable energies: to achieve the above, a drastic reduction in the use of fossil fuels is required to make way for energy systems based on renewable sources that are sustainable over time and respectful of the environment and people. In addition to combating climate change, this would reduce air pollution. Investing in adaptation and resilience: this means considering those who are already suffering the impacts of the climate crisis in the solutions, with emphasis on the nations, people, and communities in vulnerable situations and who are least responsible for these crises. Conserving and protecting 30 percent of the planet: this applies particularly to areas of biodiversity importance, including the ocean. It also implies actions to mitigate climate change. Improving the food system: this includes changes in irrigation and soil management, as well as producing healthier food and reducing food waste. Leaving no one behind: the measures described above must be carried out simultaneously and with a focus on protecting human rights, as they represent an opportunity to reduce the inequalities that are both a cause and a consequence of the crises.   Making progress before the triple crisis These crises threaten not only our basic sources of livelihood, but even our mental health. And while much remains to be done, progress has been made that demonstrates the global cooperation needed to advance on a large scale. We’re happy to share some recent examples of global progress: The High Seas Treaty, designed to protect two-thirds of the ocean, was adopted in June 2023, and will need to be ratified by 60 countries before entering into force. The United Nations recognized the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment as a universal right. 175 nations agreed to develop a global instrument to address plastic pollution.   The steps we take as individuals help us to act locally: to live our values and contribute to our communities. But it’s also important we think globally, and demand that our representatives in decision-making bodies guarantee widespread participation and commit to taking key and concerted actions.  

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Parque Nacional Yasuní, Amazonía, Ecuador.

10 positive advances for the environment in Latin America in 2023

It has been a tumultuous year for the world in many ways, and the climate crisis remains one of the greatest challenges we face as a human race. However, it is always worthwhile to assess and recognize the progress made in the quest for environmental and climate justice. So, as we close 2023, let’s celebrate the agreements, decisions, and milestones that give us hope as we continue to defend the planet and all the creatures that call it home.   1. The world has a treaty to preserve life on the high seas. After two long weeks of final negotiations, and decades of previous work, United Nations member states have agreed on a High Seas Treaty to protect two-thirds of the ocean, representing nearly half of the surface of the planet. The new treaty will provide a blueprint for establishing protected areas on the high seas and for assessing and managing human activities that could affect life in this vast area. It will also help achieve the global goal of protecting 30 percent of the ocean by 2030. It has been signed by nearly 80 countries and is in the process of ratification to enter into force.  2. The Ecuadorian people decide to protect the Amazon. Ecuador held a popular consultation to decide whether to stop oil exploration in part of the Yasuní National Park, one of the most biodiverse areas on the planet. The great news is that about 60 percent of the population chose to protect this region of the Amazon, leaving some of the oil in the ground. By recognizing the value of a key ecosystem for stabilizing the global climate, this result transcends national boundaries. It is a hopeful sign of climate ambition that can drive the necessary just energy transition worldwide. 3. The UN recognizes activism for the right to a healthy environment.  The United Nations has awarded the 2023 Human Rights Prize to the Global Coalition of Civil Society, Indigenous Peoples, Social Movements and Local Communities for the Universal Recognition of the Human Right to a Clean, Healthy and Sustainable Environment. The prize is awarded every five years, and this is the first time since its inception that it has been given to a global coalition. It recognizes the coalition's essential role in the recognition of the right to a healthy environment by the UN General Assembly in 2022, as well as decades of civil society efforts and spaces for public participation. 4. Support grows for moratorium on deep-sea mining.  There is currently a call for the International Seabed Authority to pause negotiations on the regulation of undersea mineral exploitation while the necessary information is gathered to understand the impact of this extractive activity on the ocean, species, and people. Mexico was the most recent signatory in November, joining other countries of the region— including Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Panama, and the Dominican Republic— in calling for a moratorium on deep-sea mining. You can join their efforts and learn more by following the hashtag #DefendTheDeep. 5. A Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty is in the making. Colombia, a major coal producer, was the first Latin American country to join the call for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, a global initiative to complement the Paris Agreement. Cities, elected officials, and international organizations such as the World Health Organization have joined the call. The goal of the proposal, led by Pacific Island countries, is to create a follow-up plan to halt the expansion of fossil fuel use and initiate a just transition. For more information, visit the Fossil Fuels Treaty website. 6. There are signs of hope for a "sacrifice zone" in Chile. Although much remains to be done, recent events give hope that things may be looking up in Quintero and Puchuncaví bays, whose residents have suffered decades of pollution from a series of companies. In May, after 58 years of operation, the furnaces and boilers of the Ventanas smelter were finally shut down. Similarly, the multinational company that owns the Ventanas II thermoelectric plant, also located in the bay, announced its definitive closure by the end of this year. Furthermore, the Supreme Court has issued three rulings related to the failure to comply with a 2019 judgment—which orders the state to adopt 15 measures to identify the sources of contamination and repair the environmental situation in the area—and provides tools for its enforcement. Read more about the case in Chao Carbón. 7. Court rules the Colombia must take concrete climate action. Within one year, Colombia's Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development must adopt concrete measures to adapt to and mitigate the climate crisis. This order was issued by the Council of State, a high court, as the result of a lawsuit alleging that the ministry had failed to comply with the climate commitments contained in national legislation. Colombia, as the largest exporter of thermal coal in Latin America, has an obligation to include in its climate commitments the real dimension of the impacts of extracting, transporting, and burning coal. This case could become a precedent for strategic and successful climate litigation at the regional and international levels. 8. Cajamarca, Colombia continues to set an example for environmental democracy. Popular consultations will be respected. A Colombian court made this clear by upholding the legality of the popular consultation in which the people of Cajamarca rejected AngloGold Ashanti's La Colosa gold mega-mining project. The ruling represents a triumph for participatory democracy and the defense of peasant territories against extractivism. It sets an important precedent for respecting other popular consultations throughout the country and serves as an example for the rest of the region. 9. A regional alliance to protect Andean wetlands is born. The Alliance for Andean Wetlands is a coalition of social and environmental organizations that aims to promote the protection and conservation of Andean wetlands, water, biodiversity, territories, and the lives of indigenous and campesino communities in Latin America, particularly in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile. Andean wetlands— including salt flats, lakes, and lagoons —are globally recognized as ecosystems of high ecological and social importance. However, they are also very fragile and threatened by the climate crisis and by extractive activities such as the mining of lithium, copper, and other minerals considered "critical" for the transition to new forms of energy production. 10. AIDA celebrates 25 years of working for a healthy environment. This year we celebrate our 25th anniversary, a quarter century of defending the right to a healthy environment in Latin America. Our journey and our impact have been made possible by a great community of allies with whom we have worked and with whom we share this year of celebration. This milestone enabled us to reflect on our accomplishments, which are reflected in our 2023 Annual Report, and to define a vision for the coming years focused on the quest for climate and environmental justice in the region. Thank you for being part of these 25 years and the decades to come!  

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The Alliance for the Andean Wetlands brings together organizations for the protection and conservation of wetlands

The alliance seeks to protect the water, biodiversity, territories and ways of life that depend on these ecosystems in Latin America, especially in Argentina, Bolivia and Chile. With the aim to promote the protection and conservation of wetlands -as well as the water, biodiversity, territories and livelihoods of indigenous and peasant communities that depend on them- the Alliance for Andean Wetlands (Alianza por los Humedales Andinos) brings together the Fundación Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (FARN) and the PUCARÁ Assembly (Pueblos Catamarqueños en Resistencia y Autodeterminación), of Argentina; the Centro de Documentación e Información de Bolivia (CEDIB) and Empodérate, of Bolivia; ONG FIMA, Defensa Ambiental and Fundación Tantí, of Chile; and the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA), a regional organization.The Andean wetlands - including salt flats, lakes and lagoons - are recognized worldwide as ecosystems of high environmental and social significance. They are also extremely fragile due to their characteristics, whose central element is water, a common good that controls the environment and wildlife. Their vulnerability also rises from the threats they face, including the climate crisis and the negative impacts of extractive activities such as the mining of lithium, copper and other minerals considered "critical" for the transition to new forms of energy generation.In this sense, the increase in demand for lithium in the global north has set in motion an accelerated process of extraction and production at a global level, focused on regions rich in this mineral, such as the Andean salt flats of Argentina, Bolivia and Chile, which are home to more than 53% of proven global reserves.From November 30 to December 12, representatives from nearly 200 countries will meet in Dubai, United Arab Emirates during the twenty-eighth United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 28) to continue advancing the implementation of the Paris Agreement, which seeks to strengthen the global response to the climate emergency.The protection of wetlands is crucial in this task because they are ecosystems that act as natural carbon sinks, helping to mitigate the crisis.Accelerating the energy transition will be one of the main lines of action at COP 28Faced with this global trend, the alliance promotes a just, participatory and popular socio-ecological transition with a long-term vision, prioritizing integrated water management under a socio-environmental and climate justice approach. Thus, it supports and accompanies local communities and organizations in the care of Andean wetlands and in the construction of socioeconomic alternatives that go beyond mining extractivism.The alliance also seeks to ensure the participation of communities and their access to complete, truthful and transparent information, as well as to provide information to the global society - involving organizations, States and the private sector - highlighting the value of the Andean wetlands and the multiple threats they face.To achieve its objective, the alliance employs pedagogical, legal, research, advocacy, communication and mobilization strategies collectively and in dialogue with communities and organizations. Recognizing the differentiated impacts of the climate crisis on women, girls, sexual dissidents and other vulnerable groups, the alliance incorporates a gender perspective in all its activities. Press contacts:Víctor Quintanilla, AIDA (regional), [email protected], +521 5570522107Carlos Ulloa Fuentes, Fundación Tantí (Chile), [email protected] +569 37614815Rocío Wischñevsky, FARN (Argentina), [email protected], +541159518538Manuel Fontenla, Asamblea PUCARÁ (Argentina), [email protected], +54 9 3834790609Faviola Rivera Seifert, Empodérate (Bolivia), [email protected], +591 77129989Oscar Campanini, CEDIB (Bolivia), [email protected], +591 70344801 

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Santa Marta, Magdalena, Colombia
Climate Change, Human Rights

What makes a litigation a climate litigation?

According to a recent report published by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), climate litigation has doubled worldwide in recent years and has become an important and increasingly popular tool for tackling the climate crisis. Furthermore, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) noted in its sixth report that there is now "a growing academic consensus suggesting that climate litigation has become a powerful force in climate governance". Climate litigation is indeed an integral part of the activists' toolkit for promoting climate action. And it is children, youth, indigenous peoples, civil society organizations, women and local communities who have taken the lead in bringing these legal actions. Climate litigation is, at its core, strategic litigation, which means it seeks far-reaching changes in society that go beyond a specific case. Typically, this is achieved by promoting the protection of rights or changes in public policy. Such litigations hold governments, public authorities, companies and other non-state actors accountable in court for the climate crisis and oblige them, among other things, to adopt, implement and gradually increase concrete measures to reduce their emissions and mitigate the impacts of the climate crisis. Over a year ago, AIDA launched the Climate Litigation Platform for Latin America and the Caribbean, a reference website that collects cases of climate litigation in the region. The goal is to promote the exchange of diverse experiences in order to strengthen cases in favor of necessary structural changes. The Platform contains systematized and updated information on litigations filed before any jurisdictional authority (judicial, administrative, international or autonomous). It contains the arguments supporting the cases, related to the legal obligations of States and other actors in the face of the climate crisis. It also contains cases that, while not directly related to the climate crisis, contribute to the pursuit of climate justice on the continent. And this is where confusion and questions arise: what makes a litigation a climate litigation? The truth is that there is no accepted definition to determine which litigation is climate and which is not. It is a relatively new niche in the field of environmental law and -as with many things in life, it has blurred edges. The fact is that our planet is suffering from multiple crises, all of which are interconnected and closely linked to environmental degradation. In this sense, it is almost always possible to link environmental litigations, in some way or another, to the changing climate. In any case, and with the aim of stimulating a discussion on this subject, we venture here to reflect on possible definitions that shed light and allow us to delimit this concept that is gaining so much relevance.   An approach to climate litigation and its elements One way to approach the question of what makes a litigation a climate litigation is to say that a climate litigation is any litigation that contains arguments related to the climate crisis in its claim or in the sentence that resolves it. Another approach concerns the purpose of the litigation, whereby to say that climate litigation is any litigation relating to climate action. It implies a high complexity and a wide variety of cases, many of which are intertwined. Under this definition, for example, there would be cases that: Seek to mitigate emissions of pollutants that cause global warming. Demand the states to comply (or increase) their international climate commitments. Promote measures to adapt to the unavoidable effects of climate crisis. Demand reparations for damages caused by the climate crisis. Aim to ensure that companies are held accountable for their contribution to the problem. Pursue policies or regulatory changes in favor of climate action. Demand transparency or accountability of government or corporate actions related to the climate crisis. Request that financial institutions raise their standards to take climate and the environment into account in their decision-making. Seek to stop any project that could harm the climate. Aim to protect ecosystems, especially those that act as natural carbon sinks. In some cases, they seek to raise public awareness of issues related to the climate crisis.   Climate litigation: A living and ever-growing tool As can be seen, the variety of cases that can be labeled as climate litigation is enormous and almost as great as the creativity of the people who are implementing this tool. What is interesting is that- despite being a fairly new concept - climate litigation builds on itself. The longer we use it, the more the courts will be involved in examining the obligations of companies and states towards climate action, and the more we will generate more useful jurisprudence, capacities and experiences to move forward. National and international law is strengthened by the use of climate litigation and it is important to keep it alive and growing -and to link it to the responsibility of States and corporations to address the climate crisis- on the basis of the universal human right to a healthy environment. It is important to clarify that strategic litigation -whether climate or environmental- is challenging, complex and expensive. It requires time, resources, skills and commitment. The decision to initiate a climate litigation is not one to be taken lightly. It is often not the best option to achieve a goal. But we can say -with certainty- that it is a key tool in climate action, that has allowed the voices of highly vulnerable and often invisible people and groups to be heard in the forums where decisions are made, where justice is done. It is also the last instance of play in the institutional and legal sphere. Visit the Climate Litigation Platform for Latin America and the Caribbean  

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Female farmers in Palacode, Tamil Nadu, India
Climate Change, Human Rights

Session 2 of the 2023 GCF Watch International Webinar Series

After an update on the latest decisions of the GCF Board, the session centered around the monitoring of the implementation of GCF approved projects, carried out by different civil society organizations throughout the world. Discussions took place around the presentation of case studies in Africa, Asia and Latin America.    panelists Claire Miranda, Asian People’s Movement for Debt and Development (APMDD): An update on the last Board Meeting and what follows for the next one. Bertha Argueta, Germanwatch: Intro on the monitoring of the implementation of GCF approved projects. Case studies of the experience in monitoring implementation in: Africa: Toini Amutenya, Namibia Nature Foundation. Latin America: Maite Smett, Red Internacional de Forestería Análoga (RIFA), and Rosalía Soley, Unidad Ecológica Salvadoreña (UNES).   Moderator: Bertha Argueta, Germanwatch.   Recording  

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Session 1 of the 2023 GCF Watch International Webinar Series

In this first session, we will provide a brief introduction to the GCF, the Updated Strategic Plan for 2024-2027, and the second replenishment process, which is currently underway; we will talk about the GCF Watch Platform and the opportunities it provides; and we will have a conversation with two of our active observers before the GCF, to better understand the work they do, in alliance with the civil society observer network which follows on the GCF.    panelists Florencia Ortúzar, Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA): Introduction to the webinar series and moderation. Jei Edora, Asian Peoples' Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD): Intro on the GCF, the new Updated Strategic Plan and the second replenishment process (GCF-2). Ira Guerrero, Institute for Climate and Sustainable Cities (ICSC): The GCF Watch Platform. Erika Lennon, Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) and Liane Schalatek, Heinrich Boell Foundation.A conversation with active observers of the GCF, on the way we work and why we do it. Camila Bartelega, AIDA: Interactive session to learn from our audience. ​ Recording   Next sessions October 11th - Session 2: CSO led monitoring of the implementation of GCF-approved projects. November 8th - Session 3: Important topics around the GCF.  

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Paisaje desértico en La Guajira, Colombia.

Expanding coal mining in Colombia contravenes a just energy transition

Colombia faces numerous challenges related to the just energy transition the world needs. As the main exporter of thermal coal in Latin America, one of its primary challenges is to define the future of this mineral in the country's economic and energy matrices, as well as how to align this sector with its commitments to address the global climate crisis. Certainly, the measures taken to achieve a just energy transition and meet climate commitments must respect and guarantee human rights. The State must do so with a differentiated perspective that respects the most vulnerable groups in society who are most affected by the impacts of the climate crisis and transition processes. As part of a plan to change the energy transition strategy, the current government has proposed to create a roadmap that focuses, among other things, on promoting renewable energy projects from non-conventional sources, among other initiatives. The proposal is based on four principles: equity, social and binding participation, sovereign graduality with reliability, and a principle of knowledge. Although the proposed strategy can be seen as progress towards energy transition and meeting international commitments and standards, it has some gaps: it does not focus sufficiently on fossil fuel substitution and ignores the role and impact of the coal sector in all its phases. The omission of the structural causes of the climate crisis hinders the consolidation of an energy transition, which is now a contested scenario with various claims and interests at stake. A vivid example is the department of La Guajira in the north of the country, where a high potential for renewable energy coincides with the extraction of 35% of exported coal, exacerbating the climate crisis. This has increased the region's already high climate vulnerability and aggravated human rights violations in that territory. The impacts–particularly water stress, desertification, and reduced rainfall—have been so severe that the government has declared a state of economic, social, and environmental emergency in La Guajira, where the El Niño phenomenon is expected to occur with greater intensity and duration than in previous years.   The coal sector’s role in the energy transition process Combating and addressing the climate crisis requires progress in replacing fossil fuels, as well as slowing down the expansion of their extraction and exploitation with the obvious consequence of limiting their use as much as possible. In the countries of the Global South, which are highly dependent on the extraction and commercialization of fossil fuels, the debate has begun on whether and how to move forward with the substitution process. If Colombia is to move forward in meeting its climate commitments and in the process of a just energy transition, it must halt the approval of new thermal coal mining projects, avoid the expansion of existing projects, and initiate responsible exit processes for a gradual closure of mining operations in which rights are guaranteed. The energy transition roadmap should focus on avoiding, as much as possible, human rights impacts (territorial, subsistence, and environmental) on the communities most affected by the impacts of the climate crisis. The goal is to avoid further human rights violations and a lack of protection for the territories traversed by the coal sector's production chain. The debate around the energy transition and the socio-environmental conflicts associated with coal is fully exemplified in the case of the Bruno stream, in La Guajira, with an ongoing legal process. It is now in the hands of the Constitutional Court to decide between the protection of a stream vital to an area of high water stress and the exploitation of its channel to expand the mine of the company Carbones del Cerrejón (owned by the multinational Glencore). What is at stake is the guarantee of the Wayúu communities' rights of access to water, health and life. The debate about the energy transition and the socio-environmental conflicts associated with coal is exemplified by Bruno Stream in La Guajira, which is the subject of a court case. It is now in the hands of the Constitutional Court to decide between the protection of a stream vital to an area of high water stress and the exploitation of its channel to expand the mine of the Carbones del Cerrejón company (owned by the multinational Glencore). What is at stake is the guarantee of the Wayúu communities' rights to access to water, health and life.   What just transition does need After analyzing the role of coal in the process of just energy transition in Colombia, it is possible to conclude that the country is not meeting its climate commitments because it has not established specific measures and actions for the coal sector in its climate policy. If Colombia wants to move forward in fossil fuel substitution, climate policy and the energy transition process cannot be separated from the monitoring and decision-making of the relevant authorities regarding specific projects in the coal sector. Climate change management and the energy transition process must recognize the claims of justice, reparation, and non-repetition raised by communities affected by years of coal extraction, such as those in the department of La Guajira. In a just energy transition scenario, progressive, participatory and inclusive processes to end mining - together with the affected communities - must be ensured, aiming to create diversification and conversion scenarios in regions with high dependence on the coal sector. Acting within this framework is desirable and possible.  

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Climate Change, Human Rights

Climate finance and a gender perspective: two concepts that must be intertwined

By Camila Bartelega, Florencia Ortúzar and Francisco Pinilla*   Women and girls are disproportionately affected by the onslaught of the climate crisis. This is because they are usually the ones responsible for fetching water and food, and for taking care of children, the elderly, and the sick. Climate change makes this unpaid care work much more difficult. Evidence also shows that women and girls are more vulnerable to natural disasters. It's estimated that they're 14 times more likely to die than men when natural disasters strike. This may be because they are caring for vulnerable people, because they are often not taught how to swim or climb trees, or because they wear inadequate clothing to respond, amongst others. On the other hand, as the climate crisis creates chaos and increases conflict, they are more vulnerable to sexual assault and domestic violence. This is fueled by the growing frustration of a world in which resources are becoming scarcer and more difficult to obtain. It is clear, then, why it is important to include a gender perspective when talking about how best to address the climate crisis. But doing so is important not only to "level the playing field" for historically disadvantaged women, but also because they have a lot of knowledge to contribute, and the additional burdens they carry affect their ability to contribute to the best solutions. Including a gender perspective in climate action is therefore both fair and desirable for more effective and beneficial outcomes. If they are excluded, women lose, and we all lose. For Maite Smet, Executive Director of the International Analog Forestry Network, when we talk about a gender approach, or even a feminist approach, we are talking about issues of power. "Working from a gender and climate justice perspective is about wanting to change systems of power that have historically oppressed and socially excluded people," she said. "It opens up the possibility of including people who have not been part of important climate conversations and decisions." Now let's look at the relationship between gender and climate finance, a critical element in the uphill battle to preserve a livable planet.   Gender and climate finance Tackling the global climate crisis will require transforming the way we live on the planet, including energy and food production, infrastructure and transportation. This will require significant financial resources. The Paris Accord stipulates that developed countries must provide financial assistance to the least developed and most vulnerable countries.   This brings us to the world of climate finance: The provision of funds to implement mitigation and adaptation measures. All climate finance must have a gender perspective, as the impacts of the climate crisis disproportionately affect women and girls. What does this mean? It means funding that understands and intentionally addresses these differentiated impacts. It means that funding decisions are made with the participation of women, recognizing that they have valuable knowledge of their territories and are therefore the bearers of valuable solutions. Finally, it means making funding available and accessible to women. According to Natalia Daza, gender monitor of the Green Climate Fund for Latin America and the Caribbean and member of the Women Environment and Development Organization, the gender approach to climate finance has a lot to do with understanding that inequality shapes the way social relations take place. "Women are affected differently, usually more negatively, by the impacts of climate change,” she explained. “That's why civil society has a very important role to play in ensuring that climate action includes the voices of women, LGBTIQ+ and feminist organizations, from design to implementation.”   The Gender Approach in the Green Climate Fund At AIDA, when we track climate finance coming into the region, we focus on the Green Climate Fund (GCF), the world's leading climate fund, which is accountable to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Although far from perfect (not least because what is written is not necessarily followed), it is perhaps the most progressive fund on gender issues.   The GCF's gender policy recognizes that climate change affects women and men differently and emphasizes the importance of women's participation and leadership in decision-making processes related to finance. It is considered progressive, compared to other funds, because of its cross-cutting approach, which seeks to integrate gender considerations into all aspects of financing. According to Seblewongel Deneke, the GCF’s gender specialist, any policy or strategy that emerges from the fund must take the gender perspective into account. "It is clear that both women and men contribute equally and should have equal opportunities. But we need to recognize that there are differentiated challenges for men and women, and that both are part of the solution." The policy includes capacity building, tools and materials. "The climate debate is not just about the climate agenda; it brings other elements of inequality to the table. We need to change access to education and health and ensure the basic rights that every individual should have, including women," Deneke said.   What is needed? We cannot deny that we have made progress. The importance of the gender perspective in climate action and finance is discussed and recognized. There are policies to ensure it, institutions to implement it, and sometimes even staff and budgets to do so. But the job is not done. Women still have less access to climate finance and fewer positions of power. And mitigation and adaptation projects often fail to consider the disproportionate impact of climate change on women. It is not easy to change things when they move with the inertia of what has always been. But we cannot give up. At AIDA, we have integrated a gender perspective across all our work. In doing so, we have broken new ground on many fronts and improved our results, and not just for the benefit of women. As a regional node of GCF Watch, an international observatory that monitors the Green Climate Fund, AIDA is a bridge between decision-making at the Board level and the territories that receive the projects financed. Florencia Ortúzar, Senior Attorney at AIDA, says that it is not enough to have funds, there must also be adequate investments. "Civil society monitoring is key to ensure that investments in the name of climate are made with respect for human rights and with a gender focus, and to achieve the maximum potential of the funds allocated to these types of projects and programs." This was the theme of an in-person event held in Rio de Janeiro in June. Supported by the Global Alliance for Gender and Green Action (GAGGA) - and organized by CASA Socio-Environmental Fund, AIDA and Both Ends - the event aimed to train and motivate regional organizations with a feminist base to be better prepared to follow up on the Green Climate Fund. Lola Gutiérrez, director of the Bolivian Women's Fund, who attended the event, emphasizes the importance of learning more about the fund, other countries' experiences, and how to access these resources. "Women are affected in different ways by extractivism and climate change, and we are fundamental actors in the solution. It is important to be present and to problematize what is happening." One of the conclusions of the event was that with the progress in policies and with a narrative that is much more receptive to gender, we can stop being gatekeepers that prevent the passage of bad projects and become strikers that propose projects to be implemented to stop the climate crisis. Therein lies the hope that these grassroots organizations will soon be the ones accessing funds and proposing solutions. Only then can we celebrate and rest.   * Camila Bartelega is a fellow with AIDA's Climate Program, Florencia Ortúzar is a senior attorney and Francisco Pinilla is a digital communications strategist.  

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