Human Rights

November 21 2023 Climate Change, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights

The Alliance for the Andean Wetlands brings together organizations for the protection and conservation of wetlands

The alliance seeks to protect the water, biodiversity, territories and ways of life that depend on these ecosystems in Latin America, especially in Argentina, Bolivia and Chile. With the aim to promote the protection and conservation of wetlands -as well as the water, biodiversity, territories and livelihoods of indigenous and peasant communities that depend on them- the Alliance for Andean Wetlands (Alianza por los Humedales Andinos) brings together the Fundación Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (FARN) and the PUCARÁ Assembly (Pueblos Catamarqueños en Resistencia y Autodeterminación), of Argentina; the Centro de Documentación e Información de Bolivia (CEDIB) and Empodérate, of Bolivia; ONG FIMA, Defensa Ambiental and Fundación Tantí, of Chile; and the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA), a regional organization.The Andean wetlands - including salt flats, lakes and lagoons - are recognized worldwide as ecosystems of high environmental and social significance. They are also extremely fragile due to their characteristics, whose central element is water, a common good that controls the environment and wildlife. Their vulnerability also rises from the threats they face, including the climate crisis and the negative impacts of extractive activities such as the mining of lithium, copper and other minerals considered "critical" for the transition to new forms of energy generation.In this sense, the increase in demand for lithium in the global north has set in motion an accelerated process of extraction and production at a global level, focused on regions rich in this mineral, such as the Andean salt flats of Argentina, Bolivia and Chile, which are home to more than 53% of proven global reserves.From November 30 to December 12, representatives from nearly 200 countries will meet in Dubai, United Arab Emirates during the twenty-eighth United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 28) to continue advancing the implementation of the Paris Agreement, which seeks to strengthen the global response to the climate emergency.The protection of wetlands is crucial in this task because they are ecosystems that act as natural carbon sinks, helping to mitigate the crisis.Accelerating the energy transition will be one of the main lines of action at COP 28Faced with this global trend, the alliance promotes a just, participatory and popular socio-ecological transition with a long-term vision, prioritizing integrated water management under a socio-environmental and climate justice approach. Thus, it supports and accompanies local communities and organizations in the care of Andean wetlands and in the construction of socioeconomic alternatives that go beyond mining extractivism.The alliance also seeks to ensure the participation of communities and their access to complete, truthful and transparent information, as well as to provide information to the global society - involving organizations, States and the private sector - highlighting the value of the Andean wetlands and the multiple threats they face.To achieve its objective, the alliance employs pedagogical, legal, research, advocacy, communication and mobilization strategies collectively and in dialogue with communities and organizations. Recognizing the differentiated impacts of the climate crisis on women, girls, sexual dissidents and other vulnerable groups, the alliance incorporates a gender perspective in all its activities. Press contacts:Víctor Quintanilla, AIDA (regional), [email protected], +521 5570522107Carlos Ulloa Fuentes, Fundación Tantí (Chile), [email protected] +569 37614815Rocío Wischñevsky, FARN (Argentina), [email protected], +541159518538Manuel Fontenla, Asamblea PUCARÁ (Argentina), [email protected], +54 9 3834790609Faviola Rivera Seifert, Empodérate (Bolivia), [email protected], +591 77129989Oscar Campanini, CEDIB (Bolivia), [email protected], +591 70344801

November 20 2023 Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, Freshwater Sources

Solidarity note for social movements, organizations, and rights advocates who are victims of criminalization attempts by the company Belo Sun Mineração Ltda.

The undersigned member organizations of the Volta Grande do Xingu Alliance (AVGX) call on partners, civil society organizations, legal experts, and researchers to support and strengthen individuals and movements that, due to their tireless defense of peoples, biodiversity, and the existence of the Volta Grande do Xingu, are facing intimidation and attempted criminalization by the company Belo Sun Mineração Ltda.We need to show large corporations that civil society in Brazil and abroad is united around this cause. We will not step back in protecting the environment and human rights in the face of threats. Sign this note and join us in the protection of the Amazon, the Xingu River, and its defenders!More information below:On October 17, 2023, the mining company Belo Sun Ltda., the Brazilian subsidiary of the Canadian company Belo Sun Mining Corp., filed a criminal lawsuit against more than 30 people, most of them small-scale farmers. These individuals, backed by are questioning the acquisition of land by the mining company within the Ressaca Settlement Project, in the municipality of Senador José Porfírio - Pará, and demanding that this land fulfill its agrarian and social function. These concerns are the basis of a lawsuit in federal court by the federal and local Public Defender’s Offices.The criminal complaint is a clear attempt to silence environmental and human rights defenders. This silencing is intensified by the presence of the company's armed security in the territory. It is also an attempt to criminalize organizations that monitor and denounce the destruction caused by large projects in the Volta Grande do Xingu. On November 15, a group of 25 local movements and organizations, mainly based in Altamira, Pará, issued an open letter condemning the criminalization of farmers, social movements, and civil society organizations promoted by the Canadian mining company Belo Sun. It is essential that the terms of this letter be strengthened and echoed nationally and internationally.This is not the first time that Belo Sun Mineração Ltda. has intimidated civil society organizations and human rights defenders. In 2022, the company filed a lawsuit against a university professor who had exposed the risks that the Volta Grande Project would pose to the Xingu River and its people. In mid-2023, Belo Sun sent an extrajudicial notice to the National Coordination of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (Apib), attempting to silence the organization's complaints about the risks posed by the mining project in the Volta Grande do Xingu. This notice came shortly after the release of a report on Belo Sun by the legal team of the Apib and an international advocacy action at the UN in Geneva carried out by the Alliance for the Volta Grande do Xingu, a coalition of which Apib is a part. The action aimed to expose corporate abuses by Canadian companies in the Brazilian Amazon and in eight other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. Regarding Belo Sun's activities in the Volta Grande do XinguBelo Sun aims to establish a massive open pit gold mining project overlapping the PA Ressaca region, on the banks of the Xingu River, with the goal of operating the largest gold mine in Brazil. The so-called Volta Grande Project (PVG), if approved, would substantially and potentially irreversibly impact a territory already severely affected by the Belo Monte mega-dam, as well as affecting the lands and traditional ways of life of various indigenous peoples, rural settlements, and riverside communities in this region.Several lawsuits have been filed documenting the irregularities committed by Belo Sun, including the absence of free, prior, and informed consultarions and consent from the affected indigenous and traditional communities; the illegal acquisition of plots within the PA Ressaca; the harassment and violation of the right to free movement and access to the territory of local communities; and the lack of competence of the State of Pará to issue the environmental license for the PVG. Its licensing has been suspended since 2017 by the decision of the Federal Regional Court of the 1st Region, and on September 11, 2023, it was transferred to the jurisdiction of Ibama, a federal agency. DemandsWe, citizens, civil society organizations, and representatives of social movements who support this statement, condemn the criminalization promoted by Belo Sun Mineração Ltda. We express our solidarity with the victims of this process and emphasize our understanding that:We support the terms of this petition and join voices in denouncing that intimidation and criminalization of human rights defenders, activists, researchers, and leaders of social movements by Belo Sun are unacceptable, and therefore, we support the terms of this petition.The Land Reform Project (Projeto de Assentamento) Ressaca is an area designated for agrarian reform and local family farming located in a region already highly vulnerable from a socio-environmental perspective, making it incompatible with the installation of a large-scale open-pit gold mining project like Belo Sun's Volta Grande Project.The public authorities must take necessary measures to empower the families, communities, and peoples of the Volta Grande do Xingu, ensuring their effective participation in governance and the protection of the territory. The member organizations of the Volta Grande do Xingu Alliance issuing this statement and calling for endorsements are:Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil - APIBMovimento Xingu Vivo - BrasilAmazon WatchInterametican Association for Environmental Defense - AIDAInternational RiversEarthworks Justiça GlobalMiningWatch Canada Join us in protecting the Amazon, the Xingu River, and their defenders!Sign the note of international solidarity against the judicial harassment being carried out by Belo Sun: https://forms.gle/tzUzR47v72jsdEPN8

November 13 2023 Indigenous Rights, Mining, Freshwater Sources

"Water is worth more than lithium": Resistance against an unjust energy transition

"Water is worth more than lithium" is the slogan under which social organizations, trade unions and indigenous peoples have been expressing their resistance against the constitutional reform in Jujuy, a province in northern Argentina. They claim that this reform, promoted by Governor Gerardo Morales, doesn’t respect international regulations on the rights of indigenous peoples, including Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (ILO), which establishes the right to free, prior and informed consultation of peoples on projects to be developed in their ancestral territories. In this sense, this reform would have been approved on June 16, in a short process that didn’t allow for broad public participation and deliberation and in which there was no proper consultation with indigenous peoples. Furthermore, the constitutional text represents a significant step backwards on environmental and human rights issues; it also opens the doors to mega-mining -including lithium mining- under the guise of energy transition, criminalizes protests and allows the privatization of both water and indigenous lands. Indigenous communities have claimed that the indiscriminate advancement of lithium mining projects in the province will exacerbate the water crisis currently affecting the area. With increasing international demand for lithium - considered a strategic resource due to its energy storage capacity (useful for the battery and electric vehicle industries) - global mining and production has accelerated in recent years, with a focus on regions rich in the mineral, such as the Andean salt flats of Argentina, Bolivia and Chile, where more than 53% of the world's proven reserves are located. Lithium is found in brines, pegmatites and sedimentary rocks, although it’s easier to from the former. However, extraction requires large quantities of water and takes place in fragile ecosystems such as salt flats, which suffer from water-deficiency and are severely affected by the impacts of the climate crisis. The social resistance to the constitutional reform in Jujuy is also a resistance to a global trend that, in the name of an energy transition that is far from being just, seeks to perpetuate extractivist models that violate human rights. Human rights violations in Jujuy AIDA - along with seven other civil society organizations with extensive experience in environmental and human rights defense - was part of an international mission that visited Jujuy from 21 to 25 August to learn first-hand about possible violations of the right to protest and participation in the context of the constitutional reform. The mission visited the main protest centers and documented testimonies from people from indigenous groups and communities, farmers' associations, trade unions and human rights organizations, as well as social leaders, teachers, lawyers and provincial authorities. Preliminary conclusions indicate that: Even when indigenous peoples and their communities demanded participation in the constitutional reform, it was carried out without an exhaustive deliberative process. Despite climate crisis and water scarcity, the reform doesn’t properly address integrated basin management and ecosystems conservation. The reform seems to favor large-scale industrial, agricultural and livestock use of water resources and opens the doors to concessions that can lead the privatization of water, damaging ecosystem cycles and failing to protect small-scale agriculture and livestock, vital to the existence of native communities. There is a repeated and manifest concern from indigenous communities about the negative impacts of mining, particularly lithium extraction projects. Testimonies report cases of repression of social protest, arbitrary arrests, harassment and alleged torture by the police of people involved in resistance, as well as disproportionate use of force. The mission is currently systematizing the information collected in order to prepare recommendations oriented that will highlight the complex situation in the province of Jujuy and contribute to a dialog that will allow for a better resolution of the social conflict and respect for human rights. What kind of transition does the constitutional reform in Jujuy point to? Addressing this question is important to understand that a just energy transition is incompatible with a context in which private economic interests prevail over social and environmental considerations, and in which government actions ignore the impacts of lithium extraction and the legitimate claims of local communities to manage their water and territory. Jujuy is home to over 12 indigenous peoples and around 400 communities -whose members have dedicated for millennia to salt extraction in Salinas Grandes, the fourth largest salt flat in South America. Their connection to water is sacred and ancient. It’s a cultural connection that is threatened by the exploitation of lithium, which jeopardizes the availability of an extremely scarce resource. "To extract one ton of lithium (through evaporation), 2 million liters of water are evaporated from the wells, that is, 2000 tons of water that cannot be re-circulated," says Ingrid Garcés, professor in the Department of Chemical Engineering and Mineral Processes at the University of Antofagasta, Chile. This "is profitable for the industry because it means a process without energy costs, but unfortunately it has the cost of losing water from a system that is not renewable, especially in a desert region" (like the salt flats). The constitutional reform in Jujuy doesn’t stipulate an order of priority for water use, but puts human and industrial consumption on the same level. Limited access to water is a central concern in the province, as there are few groundwater resources to meet the demand for water for human and domestic use, as well as for small-scale agricultural and livestock production. An urgent change of course The water crisis is one of the most pressing crises worldwide and is intrinsically linked to the climate crisis and the need to switch to alternative energy production. Extreme weather patterns - such as prolonged droughts, floods and more intense storms – have a direct impact on the availability and distribution of water in different regions of the world, leading to a decline in water resources. In this scenario, competition for water use intensifies and requires social water management for the benefit of communities. This is the only way to address the situation in terms of sustainability and environmental justice. The extraction of lithium to satisfy corporate interests is an example of the paradox that tackling the climate crisis comes at the expense of communities and ecosystems. The lack of fair and equitable distribution of benefits and the externalization of environmental and social costs underscores the urgency to rethink and radically transform our relationship with natural resources and the way we address the climate crisis.

November 10 2023 Climate Change, Human Rights

What makes a litigation a climate litigation?

According to a recent report published by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), climate litigation has doubled worldwide in recent years and has become an important and increasingly popular tool for tackling the climate crisis. Furthermore, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) noted in its sixth report that there is now "a growing academic consensus suggesting that climate litigation has become a powerful force in climate governance". Climate litigation is indeed an integral part of the activists' toolkit for promoting climate action. And it is children, youth, indigenous peoples, civil society organizations, women and local communities who have taken the lead in bringing these legal actions. Climate litigation is, at its core, strategic litigation, which means it seeks far-reaching changes in society that go beyond a specific case. Typically, this is achieved by promoting the protection of rights or changes in public policy. Such litigations hold governments, public authorities, companies and other non-state actors accountable in court for the climate crisis and oblige them, among other things, to adopt, implement and gradually increase concrete measures to reduce their emissions and mitigate the impacts of the climate crisis. Over a year ago, AIDA launched the Climate Litigation Platform for Latin America and the Caribbean, a reference website that collects cases of climate litigation in the region. The goal is to promote the exchange of diverse experiences in order to strengthen cases in favor of necessary structural changes. The Platform contains systematized and updated information on litigations filed before any jurisdictional authority (judicial, administrative, international or autonomous). It contains the arguments supporting the cases, related to the legal obligations of States and other actors in the face of the climate crisis. It also contains cases that, while not directly related to the climate crisis, contribute to the pursuit of climate justice on the continent. And this is where confusion and questions arise: what makes a litigation a climate litigation? The truth is that there is no accepted definition to determine which litigation is climate and which is not. It is a relatively new niche in the field of environmental law and -as with many things in life, it has blurred edges. The fact is that our planet is suffering from multiple crises, all of which are interconnected and closely linked to environmental degradation. In this sense, it is almost always possible to link environmental litigations, in some way or another, to the changing climate. In any case, and with the aim of stimulating a discussion on this subject, we venture here to reflect on possible definitions that shed light and allow us to delimit this concept that is gaining so much relevance. An approach to climate litigation and its elements One way to approach the question of what makes a litigation a climate litigation is to say that a climate litigation is any litigation that contains arguments related to the climate crisis in its claim or in the sentence that resolves it. Another approach concerns the purpose of the litigation, whereby to say that climate litigation is any litigation relating to climate action. It implies a high complexity and a wide variety of cases, many of which are intertwined. Under this definition, for example, there would be cases that: Seek to mitigate emissions of pollutants that cause global warming. Demand the states to comply (or increase) their international climate commitments. Promote measures to adapt to the unavoidable effects of climate crisis. Demand reparations for damages caused by the climate crisis. Aim to ensure that companies are held accountable for their contribution to the problem. Pursue policies or regulatory changes in favor of climate action. Demand transparency or accountability of government or corporate actions related to the climate crisis. Request that financial institutions raise their standards to take climate and the environment into account in their decision-making. Seek to stop any project that could harm the climate. Aim to protect ecosystems, especially those that act as natural carbon sinks. In some cases, they seek to raise public awareness of issues related to the climate crisis. Climate litigation: A living and ever-growing tool As can be seen, the variety of cases that can be labeled as climate litigation is enormous and almost as great as the creativity of the people who are implementing this tool. What is interesting is that- despite being a fairly new concept - climate litigation builds on itself. The longer we use it, the more the courts will be involved in examining the obligations of companies and states towards climate action, and the more we will generate more useful jurisprudence, capacities and experiences to move forward. National and international law is strengthened by the use of climate litigation and it is important to keep it alive and growing -and to link it to the responsibility of States and corporations to address the climate crisis- on the basis of the universal human right to a healthy environment. It is important to clarify that strategic litigation -whether climate or environmental- is challenging, complex and expensive. It requires time, resources, skills and commitment. The decision to initiate a climate litigation is not one to be taken lightly. It is often not the best option to achieve a goal. But we can say -with certainty- that it is a key tool in climate action, that has allowed the voices of highly vulnerable and often invisible people and groups to be heard in the forums where decisions are made, where justice is done. It is also the last instance of play in the institutional and legal sphere. Visit the Climate Litigation Platform for Latin America and the Caribbean

Female farmers in Palacode, Tamil Nadu, India

October 11 2023 Climate Change, Human Rights

Session 2 of the 2023 GCF Watch International Webinar Series

The monitoring of the implementation of GCF-approved projects After an update on the latest decisions of the GCF Board, the session centered around the monitoring of the implementation of GCF approved projects, carried out by different civil society organizations throughout the world. Discussions took place around the presentation of case studies in Africa, Asia and Latin America. PanelistsClaire Miranda, Asian People’s Movement for Debt and Development (APMDD): An update on the last Board Meeting and what follows for the next one.Bertha Argueta, Germanwatch: Intro on the monitoring of the implementation of GCF approved projects.Case studies of the experience in monitoring implementation in:Africa: Toini Amutenya, Namibia Nature Foundation.Latin America: Maite Smett, Red Internacional de Forestería Análoga (RIFA), and Rosalía Soley, Unidad Ecológica Salvadoreña (UNES). Moderator: Bertha Argueta, Germanwatch. Recording

September 13 2023 Climate Change, Human Rights, Capacity Building

Session 1 of the 2023 GCF Watch International Webinar Series

The CSO network and the way it works In this first session, we will provide a brief introduction to the GCF, the Updated Strategic Plan for 2024-2027, and the second replenishment process, which is currently underway; we will talk about the GCF Watch Platform and the opportunities it provides; and we will have a conversation with two of our active observers before the GCF, to better understand the work they do, in alliance with the civil society observer network which follows on the GCF. PanelistsFlorencia Ortúzar, Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA): Introduction to the webinar series and moderation.Jei Edora, Asian Peoples' Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD): Intro on the GCF, the new Updated Strategic Plan and the second replenishment process (GCF-2).Ira Guerrero, Institute for Climate and Sustainable Cities (ICSC): The GCF Watch Platform.Erika Lennon, Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) and Liane Schalatek, Heinrich Boell Foundation.A conversation with active observers of the GCF, on the way we work and why we do it.Camila Bartelega, AIDA: Interactive session to learn from our audience.Recording

Paisaje desértico en La Guajira, Colombia.

September 12 2023 Indigenous Rights, Mining, Freshwater Sources

Expanding coal mining in Colombia contravenes a just energy transition

Colombia faces numerous challenges related to the just energy transition the world needs. As the main exporter of thermal coal in Latin America, one of its primary challenges is to define the future of this mineral in the country's economic and energy matrices, as well as how to align this sector with its commitments to address the global climate crisis. Certainly, the measures taken to achieve a just energy transition and meet climate commitments must respect and guarantee human rights. The State must do so with a differentiated perspective that respects the most vulnerable groups in society who are most affected by the impacts of the climate crisis and transition processes. As part of a plan to change the energy transition strategy, the current government has proposed to create a roadmap that focuses, among other things, on promoting renewable energy projects from non-conventional sources, among other initiatives. The proposal is based on four principles: equity, social and binding participation, sovereign graduality with reliability, and a principle of knowledge. Although the proposed strategy can be seen as progress towards energy transition and meeting international commitments and standards, it has some gaps: it does not focus sufficiently on fossil fuel substitution and ignores the role and impact of the coal sector in all its phases. The omission of the structural causes of the climate crisis hinders the consolidation of an energy transition, which is now a contested scenario with various claims and interests at stake. A vivid example is the department of La Guajira in the north of the country, where a high potential for renewable energy coincides with the extraction of 35% of exported coal, exacerbating the climate crisis. This has increased the region's already high climate vulnerability and aggravated human rights violations in that territory. The impacts–particularly water stress, desertification, and reduced rainfall—have been so severe that the government has declared a state of economic, social, and environmental emergency in La Guajira, where the El Niño phenomenon is expected to occur with greater intensity and duration than in previous years. The coal sector’s role in the energy transition process Combating and addressing the climate crisis requires progress in replacing fossil fuels, as well as slowing down the expansion of their extraction and exploitation with the obvious consequence of limiting their use as much as possible. In the countries of the Global South, which are highly dependent on the extraction and commercialization of fossil fuels, the debate has begun on whether and how to move forward with the substitution process. If Colombia is to move forward in meeting its climate commitments and in the process of a just energy transition, it must halt the approval of new thermal coal mining projects, avoid the expansion of existing projects, and initiate responsible exit processes for a gradual closure of mining operations in which rights are guaranteed. The energy transition roadmap should focus on avoiding, as much as possible, human rights impacts (territorial, subsistence, and environmental) on the communities most affected by the impacts of the climate crisis. The goal is to avoid further human rights violations and a lack of protection for the territories traversed by the coal sector's production chain. The debate around the energy transition and the socio-environmental conflicts associated with coal is fully exemplified in the case of the Bruno stream, in La Guajira, with an ongoing legal process. It is now in the hands of the Constitutional Court to decide between the protection of a stream vital to an area of high water stress and the exploitation of its channel to expand the mine of the company Carbones del Cerrejón (owned by the multinational Glencore). What is at stake is the guarantee of the Wayúu communities' rights of access to water, health and life. The debate about the energy transition and the socio-environmental conflicts associated with coal is exemplified by Bruno Stream in La Guajira, which is the subject of a court case. It is now in the hands of the Constitutional Court to decide between the protection of a stream vital to an area of high water stress and the exploitation of its channel to expand the mine of the Carbones del Cerrejón company (owned by the multinational Glencore). What is at stake is the guarantee of the Wayúu communities' rights to access to water, health and life. What just transition does need After analyzing the role of coal in the process of just energy transition in Colombia, it is possible to conclude that the country is not meeting its climate commitments because it has not established specific measures and actions for the coal sector in its climate policy. If Colombia wants to move forward in fossil fuel substitution, climate policy and the energy transition process cannot be separated from the monitoring and decision-making of the relevant authorities regarding specific projects in the coal sector. Climate change management and the energy transition process must recognize the claims of justice, reparation, and non-repetition raised by communities affected by years of coal extraction, such as those in the department of La Guajira. In a just energy transition scenario, progressive, participatory and inclusive processes to end mining - together with the affected communities - must be ensured, aiming to create diversification and conversion scenarios in regions with high dependence on the coal sector. Acting within this framework is desirable and possible.

August 31 2023 Accountability and Transparency, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights

Report reveals shocking rights violations by Canadian corporations in Latin America

Geneva - A groundbreaking report titled "Unmasking Canada: Rights Violations Across Latin America" was unveiled at the United Nations Universal Periodic Review Process (UPR) pre-session in Geneva, spanning from August 28 to September 1, 2023. This in-depth investigation highlights extensive human rights and environmental breaches by Canadian companies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Compiled through the collaboration of over 50 civil society organizations, the report implicates 37 Canadian projects across nine countries in the region. Of these, 32 projects have been found responsible for environmental rights infringements, including 105 oil spills in Peru's Block 192, directly linked to Frontera Energy. Additionally, the right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent was violated in 26 projects, exemplified by dubious practices in Ecuador's Warintza project managed by Solaris Resources Inc. Violent confrontations tied to 16 projects are also highlighted, with a notable incident in Peru in July 2023, where 20 individuals were injured. While Canada positions itself as "climate forward," this report challenges such a portrayal, emphasizing Canada's protection of extractive industries that are responsible for significant human rights and environmental harm. In response to these findings and anticipating Canada's UPR on November 10, 2023, the report advocates for UN member states to impose legally binding resolutions on Canada, compelling the nation to address corporate misconduct overseas. Mauricio Terena, Legal Coordinator from Brazil’s Association of Indigenous People (APIB), said: "We have come here to denounce the involvement of Canadian companies in human rights violations in Brazil, particularly the case of the Belo Sun mining company in Pará, which aims to establish the country's largest open-pit gold mine. While Canada portrays itself as a defender of human rights and the environment, its actions contradict this narrative, especially when infringing upon the rights of indigenous peoples in Brazil. The discrepancy becomes evident when we realize that Canada has not signed the ILO's Convention 169. Therefore, we hope that the states with which we are in dialogue recognize this reality and urge Canada to reassess the operations of its corporations, seeking tangible action in defense of indigenous peoples and traditional communities". Addressing the UPR's function, where every four years UN member states review each other's human rights records, Latin American civil society representatives presented new recommendations for Canada. These recommendations underscore the need for Canada to introduce binding and comprehensive legislation centered on due diligence and corporate accountability. This encompasses the oversight of financial institutions and Canadian corporations throughout their global supply chains, aiming to prevent, mitigate, and penalize corporate misdeeds while ensuring victims of such practices overseas can seek justice and full reparation. "We hope that the UPR (Universal Periodic Review) process will establish itself as another strategy in our defense of indigenous peoples' rights, serving as a tool for the protection of human, indigenous, and environmental rights. It is essential to acknowledge that corporations involved in such violations are committing criminal acts. These actions should not be viewed merely as isolated incidents, but rather on a broader scale, as violating indigenous rights impacts all of humanity. Thus, beyond national and international laws, these transgressions should be seen from a more comprehensive perspective. It is crucial for states to commit, within the UN framework, to join a global mechanism where they recognize the need to monitor and mutually hold each other accountable for actions that uphold human, indigenous, and environmental rights", said Maria Judite "Kari" Guajajara, Legal Advisor at the National Indigenous Organization of the Brazilian Amazon (COIAB). This isn't the first instance of Canada facing allegations within the United Nations Universal System due to the activities of its corporations abroad. Six recommendations were directed at Canada during the 3rd cycle of the Periodic Review. These addressed, among other concerns, Canadian businesses' vital assurance and protection of human rights. Nevertheless, even after pledging to meet these recommendations, Canada consistently failed to fulfill its extraterritorial obligations, neglecting to take effective action to supervise corporate activities domestically and internationally. Gisela Hurtado, Advocacy Manager at Amazon Watch, commented: "Our report unveils the disturbing reality behind Canada's corporate endeavors in Latin America. While Canada boasts of ethical business conduct, the documented evidence reveals a starkly contrasting picture – one where profit is prioritized over people and the environment. Urgent change is paramount." The report's presentation in Geneva was spearheaded by a delegation that included Mauricio Terena from APIB; Maria Judite "Kari" Guajajara from COIAB; Josefa de Oliveira, a Popular Educator with Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre; Lorena Aranha Curuaia, Vice President of the Iawá Community; ; and Brayan Mojanajinsoy Pasos, General Secretary of the Association of Indigenous Councils of the Municipality of Villagarzón Putumayo (ACIMVIP). The delegation was further supported by representatives from organizations including Amazon Watch, AIDA (Regional), Earthworks (US) Gaia (Colombia), and Ambiente y Sociedad (Colombia). Short summary involving Canadian companies involved in rights violations highlighted in the report 1. Frontera Energy in Lote 192 in Peru: - Over 2,000 sites contaminated, affecting 26 Amazonian indigenous communities. - Proposed activity closure plan doesn’t include reparations for affected communities. 2. Mineradora Argentina Gold SRL (joint venture between Barrick Gold and Shandong Gold): - Responsible for at least five toxic substance leakages, including cyanide and arsenic, into the Jáchal River in Argentina from the Veladero mine. - The project is in violation of the Glacier Law due to its location in a glacial zone and affects the UNESCO recognized biodiversity heritage site, the San Guilhermo Reserve. 3. Belo Sun's Volta Grande project in Brazil: - Cumulative impacts with the Belo Monte hydroelectric dam, located less than 10 km away from the prospected mining site; - Armed security forces hired by the Canadian mining company to monitor local leaders and hindering their freedom of movement; - Utter disrespect to Free, Prior and Informed Consent of Indigenous and riverine communities; - Imminent and irreversible risks of an environmental tragedy if toxic waste spills into the Xingu River due to a potential dam break, given the lack of sysmic and tailings dam safety studies. - Direct impact on communities, their traditional livelihoods, and local ecosystems. 4. The Mina Varadero in Chile: - Contaminated water sources with mercury, impacting rural populations and children. 5. ISAGEN - Brookfield Asset Management's Hidrosogamoso dam in Colombia: - Significant harm to local ecosystems and communities. 6. American Lithium's mining projects (Falchani, Macusani, and Quelccaya) in Peru: - Regularly release toxic residues, affecting over 700,000 people and contaminating the Lake Titicaca and Amazon River basins. 7. Solaris Resources Inc.'s Warintza mining project in Ecuador: - Ignored the territorial rights of the Shuar Arutam indigenous people and adopted divisive tactics. 8. Mining project of Ixtaca in Mexico: - Suspended due to violations of indigenous rights. 9. El Pato II mining project in Guatemala: - Affected the Poqomam Maya and mestizo communities without proper prior consultation. 10. Libero Copper's Mocoa mining project in Colombia: - Directly harmed the ancestral territory of the Inga people, violating their rights. 11. Cosigo Resources LTD's Machado gold extraction project in Colombia: - Severely impacted sacred indigenous sites in the Yaigojé Apaporis territory. 12. Barrick Gold's Pueblo Viejo mine in the Dominican Republic: - Forced the displacement of 65 local families due to the El Llagal waste dam. 13. Mining projects of La Plata by Atico Mining Corporation and Las Naves by Curimining S.A. (a subsidiary of Adventus Mining Corporation) and **Salazar Resources Limited in Ecuador: - Tried legalizing their operations despite violating national and international human rights laws, leading to confrontations and injuries. 14. Petrotal's Lote 95 in Peru: - Protests demanding community rights resulted in several deaths by police forces guarding the oil field. 15. Equinox Gold in Brazil: - Concealed data regarding their operations and impacts, including a dam break. - 4,000 of people directly impacted by toxic waste resulted from the dam break that contaminated local Amazonian rivers, violating the right to a clean environment and adequate access to drinking water. - Criminalization of local community leaders that protested for the right to water. 16. Gran Tierra Energy in Ecuador: - Conducted explorations without proper information dissemination in the Charapa, Chanangué, and Iguana blocks.

August 28 2023 Mining, Toxic Pollution, Human Rights

Voices seeking justice for the community of La Oroya

The situation of the community of La Oroya in Peru, affected by decades of toxic pollution and the lack of effective government action to combat it, is not an exception in Latin America. Unfortunately, there are many environmental and social sacrifice zones in the continent where highly polluting activities, such as the La Oroya metallurgical complex, are developed. These activities are poorly supervised by the authorities responsible for guaranteeing life, health, personal integrity and other human rights. The importance of the case responds precisely to these realities and transcends the Peruvian context, representing a historic opportunity to set an important precedent for the entire continent. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which has yet to rule on the responsibility of the Peruvian state and the reparations to be made to the victims, has taken up the case. In anticipation of the decision, we’d like to share the testimonies of those who have been a key part of the search for justice for La Oroya. They are voices that demonstrate the gravity of the damage caused, and that show that the road to justice has been long, but fruitful. They are voices that express the urgency of guaranteeing a better future for the inhabitants of La Oroya and, ultimately, the effective enjoyment of the right to a healthy environment in the continent. 1. yolanda zurita, petitioner in the case "Community of La Oroya v. Peru" before the Inter-American Human Rights System: 2. anna cederstav, AIDA’s Deputy Director and CFO: 3. Liliana Ávila, Coordinator of AIDA's Human Rights and Environment Program:

Mujer y caballo en zona montañosa de Perú

August 25 2023 Climate Change, Human Rights

Climate finance and a gender perspective: two concepts that must be intertwined

By Camila Bartelega, Florencia Ortúzar and Francisco Pinilla* Women and girls are disproportionately affected by the onslaught of the climate crisis. This is because they are usually the ones responsible for fetching water and food, and for taking care of children, the elderly, and the sick. Climate change makes this unpaid care work much more difficult. Evidence also shows that women and girls are more vulnerable to natural disasters. It's estimated that they're 14 times more likely to die than men when natural disasters strike. This may be because they are caring for vulnerable people, because they are often not taught how to swim or climb trees, or because they wear inadequate clothing to respond, amongst others. On the other hand, as the climate crisis creates chaos and increases conflict, they are more vulnerable to sexual assault and domestic violence. This is fueled by the growing frustration of a world in which resources are becoming scarcer and more difficult to obtain. It is clear, then, why it is important to include a gender perspective when talking about how best to address the climate crisis. But doing so is important not only to "level the playing field" for historically disadvantaged women, but also because they have a lot of knowledge to contribute, and the additional burdens they carry affect their ability to contribute to the best solutions. Including a gender perspective in climate action is therefore both fair and desirable for more effective and beneficial outcomes. If they are excluded, women lose, and we all lose. For Maite Smet, Executive Director of the International Analog Forestry Network, when we talk about a gender approach, or even a feminist approach, we are talking about issues of power. "Working from a gender and climate justice perspective is about wanting to change systems of power that have historically oppressed and socially excluded people," she said. "It opens up the possibility of including people who have not been part of important climate conversations and decisions." Now let's look at the relationship between gender and climate finance, a critical element in the uphill battle to preserve a livable planet. Gender and climate finance Tackling the global climate crisis will require transforming the way we live on the planet, including energy and food production, infrastructure and transportation. This will require significant financial resources. The Paris Accord stipulates that developed countries must provide financial assistance to the least developed and most vulnerable countries. This brings us to the world of climate finance: The provision of funds to implement mitigation and adaptation measures. All climate finance must have a gender perspective, as the impacts of the climate crisis disproportionately affect women and girls. What does this mean? It means funding that understands and intentionally addresses these differentiated impacts. It means that funding decisions are made with the participation of women, recognizing that they have valuable knowledge of their territories and are therefore the bearers of valuable solutions. Finally, it means making funding available and accessible to women. According to Natalia Daza, gender monitor of the Green Climate Fund for Latin America and the Caribbean and member of the Women Environment and Development Organization, the gender approach to climate finance has a lot to do with understanding that inequality shapes the way social relations take place. "Women are affected differently, usually more negatively, by the impacts of climate change,” she explained. “That's why civil society has a very important role to play in ensuring that climate action includes the voices of women, LGBTIQ+ and feminist organizations, from design to implementation.” The Gender Approach in the Green Climate Fund At AIDA, when we track climate finance coming into the region, we focus on the Green Climate Fund (GCF), the world's leading climate fund, which is accountable to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Although far from perfect (not least because what is written is not necessarily followed), it is perhaps the most progressive fund on gender issues. The GCF's gender policy recognizes that climate change affects women and men differently and emphasizes the importance of women's participation and leadership in decision-making processes related to finance. It is considered progressive, compared to other funds, because of its cross-cutting approach, which seeks to integrate gender considerations into all aspects of financing. According to Seblewongel Deneke, the GCF’s gender specialist, any policy or strategy that emerges from the fund must take the gender perspective into account. "It is clear that both women and men contribute equally and should have equal opportunities. But we need to recognize that there are differentiated challenges for men and women, and that both are part of the solution." The policy includes capacity building, tools and materials. "The climate debate is not just about the climate agenda; it brings other elements of inequality to the table. We need to change access to education and health and ensure the basic rights that every individual should have, including women," Deneke said. What is needed? We cannot deny that we have made progress. The importance of the gender perspective in climate action and finance is discussed and recognized. There are policies to ensure it, institutions to implement it, and sometimes even staff and budgets to do so. But the job is not done. Women still have less access to climate finance and fewer positions of power. And mitigation and adaptation projects often fail to consider the disproportionate impact of climate change on women. It is not easy to change things when they move with the inertia of what has always been. But we cannot give up. At AIDA, we have integrated a gender perspective across all our work. In doing so, we have broken new ground on many fronts and improved our results, and not just for the benefit of women. As a regional node of GCF Watch, an international observatory that monitors the Green Climate Fund, AIDA is a bridge between decision-making at the Board level and the territories that receive the projects financed. Florencia Ortúzar, Senior Attorney at AIDA, says that it is not enough to have funds, there must also be adequate investments. "Civil society monitoring is key to ensure that investments in the name of climate are made with respect for human rights and with a gender focus, and to achieve the maximum potential of the funds allocated to these types of projects and programs." This was the theme of an in-person event held in Rio de Janeiro in June. Supported by the Global Alliance for Gender and Green Action (GAGGA) - and organized by CASA Socio-Environmental Fund, AIDA and Both Ends - the event aimed to train and motivate regional organizations with a feminist base to be better prepared to follow up on the Green Climate Fund. Lola Gutiérrez, director of the Bolivian Women's Fund, who attended the event, emphasizes the importance of learning more about the fund, other countries' experiences, and how to access these resources. "Women are affected in different ways by extractivism and climate change, and we are fundamental actors in the solution. It is important to be present and to problematize what is happening." One of the conclusions of the event was that with the progress in policies and with a narrative that is much more receptive to gender, we can stop being gatekeepers that prevent the passage of bad projects and become strikers that propose projects to be implemented to stop the climate crisis. Therein lies the hope that these grassroots organizations will soon be the ones accessing funds and proposing solutions. Only then can we celebrate and rest. * Camila Bartelega is a fellow with AIDA's Climate Program, Florencia Ortúzar is a senior attorney and Francisco Pinilla is a digital communications strategist.