Indigenous Rights

Indigenous Rights, Freshwater Sources, Climate Change

What happened at the World Water Conference 2023?

By Yeny Rodríguez, Claudia Velarde and Rosa Peña*   The UN Water Conference 2023, held March 22-24 in New York, was organized in response to the need to evaluate the fulfillment of global goals and targets in the areas of water and sanitation, about which there is growing concern. AIDA participated in the Conference to position key messages from Latin America and the Caribbean that should be made visible and included in the discussions and that should now be part of the fulfillment of the Water Action Agenda, which was adopted at the global meeting. What follows is our take on the important event and what we hope will come of it in the future.   The Advances An agenda for urgent action The Conference concluded with the adoption of the Water Action Agenda, a plan that included 689 commitments—collected from the official sessions and side events—as well as pledges of $300 billion dollars in financing to drive them forward. The commitments cover capacity building, data and monitoring systems, and improving infrastructure resilience, among other actions. The online platform hosting the Agenda will remain open for submissions. Overall, the Conference served as a global call to protect water and the water cycle as a global common good and a fundamental human right. The international community was also alerted to the need for urgent action to address the water crisis—which translates into shortages and droughts, contamination of water sources, degradation of strategic ecosystems and serious governance problems— which today particularly affects the world's indigenous peoples, Afro-descendants and rural communities. It’s important that the commitments made be incorporated into climate discussions, since the water crisis and the climate crisis are closely interconnected. The drive for fair water governance Innovative initiatives for the protection of ecosystems and for fair water governance were launched at the Conference. Water governance involves decision-making processes, as well as institutions and power relations that influence the flow, quality, use, availability and distribution of water (fresh or salt, surface or subsurface). One such initiative was the Transformative Water Pact, built collectively by a diverse group of more than 40 civil society organizations and academia, including AIDA. The Dutch NGO Both ENDS and the International Water Knowledge Institute (IHE-Delft) spearheaded the initiative. The Pact proposes an alternative vision of water management based on the principles of environmental justice, equity and care. It proposes frameworks for action and strategic priorities to guide decision-making. It is a response to the continued overexploitation and degradation of freshwater ecosystems, human rights violations, and the extreme power imbalances that characterize current water management around the world.   The Inspiring The role of women and indigenous peoples The presence of civil society at the Conference was mostly female. This both revealed the intersectional nature of the inequalities that women experience on a daily basis in their struggles for water, and vindicated their important role in water management. Women possess and transmit traditional ecological knowledge for the care of water, lead struggles in its defense, and are more frequently exposed to risks and threats to their lives. Yet their voice is often disregarded, and they are not often invited to participate in environmental decision-making spaces. Similarly, important indigenous leaders from across Latin America and the world attended the Conference. This showed how much we have to learn from indigenous ancestral practices for the care of water, as well as the decisive role that indigenous and traditional communities play in the care of 80 percent of the planet's biodiversity and in the mitigation of the climate and water crises. The parallel events in which these actors participated made the world reconsider and reevaluate what the West has understood from science, making it clear that the ancestral knowledge system of indigenous peoples is specialized and sophisticated, and therefore must be prioritized in any policy of integrated and fair water management. The unity of civil society for water justice Although largely absent from official UN spaces, civil society had a strong and inspiring presence at the Conference. Organizations, activists and water advocates from around the world held important conversations and called for effective participation, with their own voice, in these spaces. "When you ask me about this conference, I can tell you that I am optimistic, not because of the results, but because of the spirit that was born thanks to you," said Pedro Arrojo-Agudo, UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation, to a room full of civil society members and water defenders. "The UN needs the energy and legitimacy that water defenders' movements are offering and I am sure it will come." Representatives of more than 500 organizations, indigenous peoples, social movements and water defenders presented the Water Justice Manifesto with the intention of amplifying the voices of those who are not being heard and insisting that fundamental issues be placed at the center of water policies at the global, regional, national and subnational levels. Although not scheduled, movement leaders were able to read the manifesto in an official space at the Conference, which allowed for its entry into the central dialogue.   What was Missing Guarantees for the effective fulfillment of commitments Although the Conference was a unique and relevant opportunity to place water-related issues on the world agenda, there is still a long way to go toward achieving effective commitments from nations, as those included in the Water Action Agenda are not legally binding. In the near future, we need these commitments to be binding, and for there to be a follow-up mechanism, indicators to measure the progress made by States in fulfilling the Agenda and – why not? – a specialized international instrument for the protection of the human right to water and sanitation. A more open and inclusive participation in the dialogue Practically all sectors echoed the need for greater participation in official UN spaces and in future conferences. This requires a broad understanding of the water crisis and the intersectional movement needed to address it justly. It implies thinking about participation based on the inclusion of stakeholders on an equal footing for dialogue and, at the same time, recognizing the individuals, communities and peoples who hold the right to water, whose voice must be taken into account in a differential manner given their interdependent relationship with water. Recognition of the valuable role of water defenders In Latin America, defending rivers, lagoons, streams, aquifers and, in general, the right to water is a risky activity. Water is a natural resource in dispute. Those who work to safeguard it for human consumption or for its recognition as an enforceable right have for years been subjected to stigmatization, threats, persecution and attacks on their lives and integrity. The water agenda must recognize the important role of water defenders, as well as promote the creation of instruments and mechanisms aimed at providing greater guarantees to those who dedicate their lives to this work. The promotion of horizontal alliances and articulations for the protection of water The protection of water is a task of all States with differentiated responsibilities and capacities. Its effective achievement requires initiatives and processes of international cooperation, alliances and articulations among States based on mutual respect and recognition. This will make it possible to reach consensual paths and prevent the repetition of dynamics of imposition. Furthermore, these articulations must recognize and respect the normative frameworks of indigenous peoples so that, based on their uses and customs, they can continue to play their fundamental role in the protection and management of water.   What’s Next It’s expected that the commitments contained in the Water Action Agenda will be reviewed and endorsed internally by Latin American governments and promoted at the international level at upcoming summits and high-level meetings. It’s also expected that the importance of protecting the human right to water and sanitation will be a key theme in all international forums where progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is discussed, such as the SDG Summit scheduled for September, and especially at the 28th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28). AIDA will continue to work to protect key ecosystems, prevent industrial pressure on water, advocate for the participation of local communities in decision-making about their water sources, and defend the human right to water.   *Yeny Rodríguez is an attorney with AIDA's Ecosystems Program, Claudia Velarde is Area Coordinator of Ecosystems Program y Rosa Peña is an attorney with Human Rights and Environment Program.  

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Indigenous Rights, Climate Change, Human Rights

Strategic litigation and its role in the pursuit of justice

In La Guajira, Colombia, indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombian communities—accompanied by civil society organizations—initiated litigation to defend their rights to water, food security and ethnic integrity, all of which are at risk from the diversion of the Bruno stream for the expansion of El Cerrejón, the largest open-pit coal mine in Latin America. The goal of bringing this particular case to court is not only to prevent the loss of an important water source. The litigation also seeks to set a precedent in the country and on the continent for the protection of rural communities against the systematic violation of their rights. It also represents an important action in the face of the climate crisis, a global problem aggravated by the continued extraction and burning of coal and other fossil fuels. The case can be categorized as strategic litigation, also called impact litigation, which consists of selecting and filing a lawsuit in order to promote the protection of rights or changes in public policy, while achieving broad changes in society, i.e., those that extend beyond a particular case. Strategic litigation is a tool that, through the law, promotes social transformations and strengthens human rights protections. It is strategic because, based on a legal cause, it seeks to change unjust realities and position issues that are key to the formation of a democratic society. In this sense, the ultimate goal of strategic litigation is to leave a lasting mark, a judicial precedent that can be replicated. It is also strategic because it includes the use of communication strategies, social mobilization, and political advocacy to put relevant debates on the table regarding the recognition of rights. When legal actions involve local communities, they also become a tool to help strengthen their internal processes of defense.  Its premises and characteristics have made strategic litigation an important means to promote the protection of key ecosystems and human rights, including the right to health and a healthy environment, and the rights of indigenous peoples, communities and groups in vulnerable situations.   Components As described above, strategic litigation is consciously designed to achieve broad goals and to generate a roadmap for future litigation. It consists of many different elements, including the following: A robust legal strategy that, on many occasions, must be enriched with interdisciplinary technical and scientific arguments. A communications strategy. Social or community organizing, which means involving communities, networks and local organizations in all phases of the litigation under a perspective of active participation and collective strategy construction. A strategy to protect against scenarios of risk that the litigation may cause. Political advocacy before decision-makers.   Objectives and scope Although there are many, three main objectives of strategic litigation are to: Place important debates in the public opinion. Promote social mobilization around a common cause. Strengthen the rule of law, which means that citizens invite the State and judges to recognize rights, make problems visible, and ultimately strengthen the democratic system.   Strategic litigation has been especially important for struggles and causes in which it is difficult for social movements and communities to position the recognition of their rights in legislative and public policy agendas. At AIDA, we believe that all people should have full access to environmental justice, and strategic litigation has been a powerful tool to guarantee the individual and collective right to a healthy environment in Latin America. To achieve this, we select emblematic cases and projects where the strategic use of international law and scientific argumentation can set key precedents. We work closely with local organizations and allies to jointly build the litigation process, design communication campaigns, and complete risk analyses that promote the protection of all stakeholders involved in litigation.  

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Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, Accountability and Transparency

Open Letter from Civil Society Organizations to the President of the Inter-American Development Bank

The undersigned group of civil society organizations greet you as you begin your term as President of the Inter-American Development Bank. We extend to you our best wishes as you assume this task of great responsibility for the people of Latin America and the Caribbean.We take this opportunity to introduce ourselves and express our willingness to continue contributing to the Bank's actions pursuing the region's development. Since 2017, our organizations have been monitoring and making recommendations on the IDB policies and projects, in partnership with local communities and populations. In particular, we promote the Bank’s establishment of better social and environmental policies and practices, as well as adequate and transparent spaces for participation that allow improving the IDB's link and interaction with civil society. To mention just a few examples, we highlight our contributions to the Environmental and Social Policy Framework (ESPF), to the updates of the MICI policy and in the accompaniment of specific cases, and in the revision process of the Access to Information Policy and in the dialogues on the IDB-Amazon Initiative.In conjunction, we are permanently monitoring the Bank's policies and investments throughout the region, including in projects involved in the response to and recovery from the Covid pandemic and many others.We consider it essential that the Bank strengthen its practices and operations, facilitating the promotion and respect for human rights, with special attention paid to the needs of communities and indigenous peoples who are at the forefront in the defense of nature, as well as the protection of key ecosystems in the fight against climate change.Given the relevance of public participation in promoting full development, we reiterate our request to the Bank to generate constructive and lasting participation mechanisms. In particular, we request that the space for dialogue with civil society be reopened in the framework of the next IDB Annual Meetings. This space was a traditional practice that was interrupted in 2014 and has not been resumed to date.We understand that a space for IDB articulation with civil society (social organizations and movements, Indigenous groups, and others who are affected) is not only a good practice that other multilateral agencies are already implementing, but would also contribute to advance the objectives of your administration. As stated in your inaugural speech last January, you stressed your desire to "seize all opportunities for dialogue" and collaborate with different actors to address the most pressing problems of our region.Thus, your administration has an historic opportunity to generate greater openness towards civil society organizations and communities potentially affected by Bank-financed operations. We believe that this demand can no longer be postponed, and that this long-standing claim must be addressed in order to strengthen the work together with the peoples of the region.We remain at your disposal to discuss the points raised in this letter and other matters of common interest at your convenience. Kind regards, Accountability CounselAMATE El SalvadorArticulación Salvadoreña de Sociedad Salvadoreña de Sociedad Civil para la Incidencia en las Instituciones Financieras Internacionales (ASIFI)Asociación Ambiente y Sociedad (Environment and Society Association)Interamerican Association for the Defense of the Environment (AIDA)International Accountability ProjectBank Information CenterCenter for International Environmental Law (CIEL)Coalition for Human Rights In DevelopmentCohesión Comunitaria e Innovación Social A.C. (Mexico)Conectas Direitos HumanosDerecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (DAR, Perú)Ecoa - Ecology and ActionFoundation for the Development of Sustainable Policies (Fundeps)CAUCE Foundation: Environmental Culture - Causa Ecologista (Argentina)Gender ActionInternational RiversMesa de Discapacidad y Derechos (Perú)International Platform against ImpunityProtection International MesoamericaSociedad y Discapacidad - SODIS (Perú)Sustentarse (Chile)Wetlands International / Fundacion Humedales (Argentina) Read and download the letter 

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Indigenous Rights, Human Rights

Urgent alert on human rights threats due to Pantanal degradation

The Pantanal is the world’s largest freshwater wetland. It’s nearly 18 million hectares stretch across Brazil, Bolivia, and Paraguay, making a home for thousands of species, some of which are in danger of extinction.  It hosts six different Ramsar sites, wetlands of international importance, and has been designated as a Biosphere Reserve and UNESCO World Heritage Site. Forest fires, drought, and deforestation, due largely to the expansion of industrial agriculture and the construction of hydroelectric dams, have destroyed millions of hectares of this wetland.  The devastation is not only environmental, but it has also affected the lives of those who inhabit the region, threatening their right to live in a healthy environment.  In addition, the Pantanal provides resources and sustains the livelihoods of about 1.5 million people. More than 270 communities—including indigenous peoples, cattle ranchers and riparian communities—depend directly or indirectly on the wetland, although its relevance transcends the region and is fundamental to the well-being of more than 10 million people. However, the Pantanal is at risk of collapse. Only 5 percent of its area is protected. In recent years, forest fires, drought and deforestation—associated with the expansion of agribusiness and the construction of dams—have destroyed millions of hectares of this wetland. This damage violates the rights of local people and communities. Environmental Damage and Human Rights The intensification of extractive activities during recent years, principally ranching and industrial agriculture, have led to unprecedented droughts and fires in the Pantanal.  In 2020, wildfires destroyed more than 4.5 million hectares, almost one-third of the wetland’s area.  And so far in 2022, more than 123 thousand hectares have been consumed by fires, 26 percent more than had burned during the same time period in 2021. In addition to the fires, drought has been intensifying.  One of the most serious cases is that of the Guató people of Baía dos Guató, Brazil, who have lost almost 90 percent of their territory to fire. "The fires destroyed crops, burned houses. The fire destroyed a large part of our territory, destroying many trees, animals, birds, damaging our animals and plants and our food security, because it destroyed our crops," said one of its members. "Everything is coming to an end." Fires in the Pantanal have caused the loss of forests and biodiversity, aggravating the climate crisis. They also impact the health and livelihoods of nearby communities by destroying their homes and territories, making them more susceptible to health problems, especially respiratory problems. Fires have resulted in the loss of seeds and the death of animals. The drought especially impacts communities that depend on fishing for food and income (about 70 percent of Pantanal villagers depend on fishing as their main livelihood). Women engaged in artisanal bait collection for sport fishing have been particularly affected. The traditional communities in the region have also been severely impacted, as the fire has reached all of their territories, destroying almost half of them. This has repercussions on the development of their cultural practices, as for many Pantanal communities the connection with the land plays an essential role. They obtain from nature the plants for their traditional medicines and raw materials to build their houses, utensils and handicrafts. For the Yshir, for example, the destruction of the Pantanal threatens their belief system and cosmology (where the forest, rivers and wildlife are central), preventing them from maintaining their traditional ceremonies based on these beliefs. An Emergency Call The Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) and Ecologia e Ação (ECOA) prepared an urgent alert for United Nations Human Rights Rapporteurs to report on the critical situation of the Pantanal and request that they issue recommendations to the three countries where the wetland is located in order to prevent the recurrence of fires, ensure the restoration of ecosystems and guarantee the rights of local populations. We also ask them to visit the site to learn about its situation first hand and to give their recommendations a greater force and sense of urgency. The biological wealth of the Pantanal is incalculable. The site provides several ecosystem services: flood flow regulation, climate regulation, soil fertility control, biological control, biodiversity maintenance and is a source of water, food and raw materials for the population. The environmental and social importance of the Pantanal requires urgent, coordinated, transboundary and effective actions to ensure its restoration and protection. It is time to join forces and take care of the enormous natural and cultural wealth of this biome that is so important for life.  

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Indigenous Rights, Mining, Accountability and Transparency

Swiss OECD Point of Contact calls on Glencore to comply with due diligence on coal mine in Colombia

Switzerland’s National Contact Point (NCP) for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) recommended that the multinational as the sole owner of the Cerrejón mine in Colombia ensure “its policies and due diligence measures promote responsible business conduct at Cerrejón” in its final statement on the complaint filed against Glencore. The NCP further implored Glencore to maintain a dialogue with NGOs and representatives of the indigenous Wayúu and Afro-Colombian communities affected by the mine's operations. In January 2021, a coalition of national and international organizations—comprised of GLAN, CAJAR, AIDA, CINEP, Ask! ABColombia and Christian Aid Ireland—filed five complaints with the OECD NCPs in Ireland, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and Australia to denounce the various detrimental impacts of the Cerrejón mine, operated by Carbones del Cerrejón. The coalition detaile the disastrous impacts on the lives and human rights of the indigenous, Afro-descendant and other rural populations of La Guajira resulting from operation of the Cerrejón mine and Carbones de Cerrejón’s lack of due diligence in its operations, leading to non-compliance with OECD guidelines for multinational companies. The coalition filed the complaints against ESB (Electricity Supply Board), the Irish state-owned company that buys coal from the Cerrejón mine; CMC (Coal Marketing Company), based in Dublin, Ireland, which markets the coal from Cerrejón, and the multinational mining companies that jointly own Carbones del Cerrejón: BHP, Anglo American and Glencore. In response to the coalition’s complaints, the Swiss NCP noted that "the Australian and British NCPs will publish, in accordance with their rules of procedure, Final Statements regarding BHP and Anglo American respectively.” The complaints in Ireland are still pending. The Swiss NCP’s statement did not address the main duty of its mandate—to ensure the implementation of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. Instead, the Swiss NCP statement merely reiterated generic existing duties and did not make substantive recommendations in response to the details or the gravity of the Cerrejón’s human rights abuses and violations documented in the complaint. The Swiss NCP conducted its review with serious irregularities and asymmetries in its treatment of the parties. The Swiss NCP failed to provide the affected Wayuu indigenous and Afro-descendant communities with access to information about the review or any guarantees of participation in the review. These asymmetries and irregularities resulted in Glencore’s impunity for the serious human rights violations committed by the mining operations of Carbones del Cerrejón. Our coalition eventually chose to withdraw from the process in protest of the Swiss NCP’s disfavorable treatment of the coalition and favorable treatment of Glencore. Our experience with the Swiss NCP highlights how the complex web and architecture of impunity and asymmetry in international processes favors multinational companies, resulting in abysmal gaps in justice for victims of multinational companies’ human rights abuses and violations. Given the enormity of the Swiss NCP’s incompetence, negligence, and inconsistency in its functions, we reject the NCP’s final statement which suggests that GLAN and the coalition members are to blame for failure of the mediation process. In this statement, the NCP ignores the impacts of its own deficiencies on the mediation process. The way the Swiss NCP in structured the mediation process placed a greater burden on the complainant’s ability to access and participate in the mechanism than on Glencore. Despite these disadvantages, the coalition participated with the utmost diligence and good faith throughout the entire procedure. The Swiss NCP’s incompetence in this instance is part of its pattern of favoritism of multinationals. For example, the Swiss NCP mishandled the complaint against Sygenta for its harm to farmers in India. The NCP's improper practices led Marcos Orellana, UN Special Rapporteur on Toxic Substances and Human Rights, to state that the Swiss NCP set “a bad precedent that underlines the weaknesses of the National Contact Points for the OECD Guidelines.” Because the Swiss legal accountability mechanisms do so little to regulate the conduct of Glencore—a company with a history of corruption and serious allegations of human rights abuses and violations associated with its global activities—the Swiss government is implicated in Glencore’s abuses. Although the OECD guidelines are voluntary for companies, countries that adhere to guidelines make a binding commitment to implement them. The Swiss NCP's inadequate handling of this complaint and the Swiss government’s failure to comply with its functions and the obligations relating to respect for human rights, leads us to question degree of the Swiss government’s complicity in these abuses and how this complicity creates an environment of tolerance for corporate violations and abuses. What is clear is that the OCED’s voluntary mechanism has become a way to mask corporate violations and facilitate corporate impunity. Although the Swiss government does not grant real and effective access to justice for victims of Glencore’s violations as an investor in Carbones del Cerrejón, Glencore is able make use of its guarantees as an investor—as established in the Foreign Investment Protection Agreement between Colombia and Switzerland—to sue the Colombian government over a court ruling that protected the human rights of the Wayuu people from Carbones del Cerrejón’s actions. In the face of this asymmetry in justice between the parties, it is concerning that Colombia choses to maintain this agreement. We reiterate the inadequacy of non-judicial mechanisms to hold multinational corporations accountable. Cases such as this highlight the need for binding due diligence legislation and a treaty regarding companies and human rights that includes real accountability for abuses resulting from seemingly unlimited transnational corporate power.   Signed: Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers' Collective (CAJAR) Center for Research and Popular Education (CINEP) Christian Aid ASK ABColombia Global Legal Action Network (GLAN)   press contact: Victor Quintanilla (Mexico), AIDA, [email protected], +525570522107  

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Indigenous Rights, Oceans, Climate Change

10 good news stories from 2022, for a sustainable future

This year we saw important advances toward environmental justice in Latin America, and around the world. We’re celebrating decisions at the local, national and international levels that help move us toward a more sustainable future for all. We chose for you our top 10—stories that represent important advances for the protection of biodiversity, for the respect of human rights, for the recognition of indigenous and traditional populations, for responsible finance, for climate litigation as a tool for accountability, and for the hope of a just energy transition.   1. Ecuador expanded the Galapagos Marine Reserve This year, through a national decree, Ecuador added 60 thousand square kilometers to the Galapagos Islands, the first site to be declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The new area, called the Hermandad Reserve, creates a marine corridor between the Galapagos Islands and Cocos Island in Costa Rica that will serve as a safe passageway for the dozens of protected species that move through the area, including sharks, whales, turtles, and dolphins. After the expansion, nearly 200 thousand square kilometers of the Galapagos have varying degrees of protection. Ecuador and Costa Rica have since called on Panama and Colombia to add protected areas to the new Reserve. 2. Honduras declared territory free from open-pit mining In February, the new government of Honduras declared the entire territory of the Central American country free of open-pit mining. According to a communiqué from the Secretariat of Natural Resources, Environment and Mines, the decision was made following the principles of climate justice and with a view toward respecting and protecting natural resources. Along these same lines, the government issued three other provisions: to cancel the approval of permits for extractive exploitation; to approve a mining moratorium through which environmental licenses, permits and concessions for metallic and non-metallic exploration and exploitation will be reviewed; and to intervene immediately in natural areas of high ecological value for their conservation. 3. Mexican Supreme Court protected the Veracruz Reef Residents of the coastal state of Veracruz and the Mexican Center for Environmental Law (CEMDA) won their case before the country’s supreme court to protect the Veracruz Reef, the largest reef system in the Gulf of Mexico. The Court unanimously recognized that the authorities violated the community's right to a healthy environment by approving the expansion of the Port of Veracruz. AIDA and Earthjustice presented evidence for recognition of the human rights to a healthy environment and access to justice enshrined in international law. These rights obligate the Mexican government to allow anyone whose rights are threatened by environmental degradation to achieve justice regardless of whether their connection to the threatened ecosystem is indirect or remote. This victory was a collective effort between organizations and the community, and sets a precedent for environmental justice in the region as the ruling points to Mexico's international obligations, including those under the Escazú Agreement. 4. Chile took important steps towards energy transition In June, Chile published the Framework Law on Climate Change, the first in its history, which assigns responsibilities for mitigating emissions and adapting to climate change. The law is the first in the region to establish a carbon neutral goal for 2050, which must be reviewed every five years. In addition, faced with a wave of intoxications derived from pollution, the President announced the closure of the Ventanas Smelter in Valparaíso. Congress is currently considering a bill to approve the closure of Ventanas, which will be progressive. Both the company and the government have committed to not leaving workers without a job, to taking charge of environmental remediation, and to continuing to process small-scale mining minerals. The corporation Enel also closed its last coal-fired power plant in Coronel, a region with a history of environmental conflicts due to impacts on the health and livelihoods of the community. The cases of Enel and Ventanas remind us that decisions towards energy transition must be made respecting the rights of the people involved, both the community and longtime workers. 5. United Nations recognized a healthy environment as a universal right In July, in a historic resolution, the United Nations General Assembly recognized a safe, healthy, clean and sustainable environment as a universal human right. Since this right was left out of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, the decision marks a milestone for international law, particularly in the area of human rights. "This resolution conveys the message that no one can take away our nature, clean air and water, or deprive us of a stable climate," said Inger Andersen, head of the United Nations Environment Programme. "At least not without a fight." This news was cause for great celebration at AIDA because the human right to a healthy environment has been the focus of our work since our founding. Costa Rica was one of the countries that led the proposal and that behind this milestone there are decades of work by organizations, movements and communities. 6. For first time, the Inter-American Bank prepared a responsible exit plan In Guatemala, Mayan communities filed a complaint about the damage that two hydroelectric projects caused to their territory, livelihoods and social fabric. The projects had received financing from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) Group. After the Bank's accountability office concluded that IDB Invest failed to comply with its operational policies and safeguards, the bank decided to withdraw its financing from the projects. In addition to the divestment, and as a result of the complaint, the IDB Group developed a responsible exit plan for the first time in its history. This sets a historic precedent for all communities affected by investments by international financial institutions. Although there are challenges for the implementation of the exit plan, the case is a great opportunity for the IDB to strengthen its policies as well as the monitoring and supervision of the projects it supports in order to avoid non-compliance with its guidelines. 7. Recognition grew for the region’s indigenous peoples Despite the fact that indigenous and traditional peoples suffer constant violations of their human rights—often for protecting their own territory—this year their contributions, knowledge and work were recognized on various fronts. In Colombia, the ancestral knowledge system of the Arhuaco, Kankuamo, Kogui and Wiwa indigenous peoples of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta was recognized as Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. In Brazil, Sonia Guajajara and Célia Xakriabá, indigenous women with environmental and social causes, were elected to Congress in the October general elections. And, for the first time in Ecuador, Amazonian indigenous organizations received $2.5 million to finance conservation and deforestation reduction projects. 8. World leaders created a fund for climate loss and damage One of the strongest demands of the global South at climate summits had been the creation of a fund for losses and damages for the countries most vulnerable to the climate crisis. This year, at the 27th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP27), a financing mechanism was finally created for this purpose. This mechanism will seek to mobilize resources to complement existing ones, and calls for richer countries to contribute more. The decision adopted at COP27 also called on the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to provide "financing solutions." The details for the fund’s operation and for the inclusion of a human rights approach are a task for the next conference. 9. Brazilian court settled first-ever climate litigation In 2020, four political parties and two civil society organizations filed a lawsuit over the Brazilian government's failure to provide resources to the federal Climate Fund. The case was resolved in July of this year, becoming the first climate litigation in Brazil's Supreme Federal Tribunal, the highest court in the country. The court determined that the government has a constitutional duty to allocate the necessary economic resources for the operation of the Climate Fund, which had been paralyzed in recent years. In its findings, the court equated the Paris Agreement with a human rights treaty, which may give way for courts and judges in other Latin American countries to make the same recognition. This case shows that strategic climate litigation is an effective and necessary way to demand that governments and companies in the continent comply with their climate commitments. 10. Historic agreement reached to protect global biodiversity In December, roughly 200 member countries of the Convention on Biological Diversity adopted a historic agreement that seeks to reverse decades of environmental degradation and the resulting risks to the planet's species and ecosystems. Gathered at the 15th United Nations Conference on Biodiversity in Montreal, Canada, the countries' delegates reached an agreement committing to protect at least 30 percent of the world's terrestrial and marine areas by 2030. In addition, they agreed to provide at least $20 billion in annual international aid for biodiversity by 2025 and at least $30 billion by 2030.   Want more good news? Learn about AIDA's four most important achievements in 2022  

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Fracking, Indigenous Rights

The Mapuche: in defense of ancestral territory in Argentina

In the south of the province of Mendoza, Argentina, several communities belonging to the Mapuche people—one of the 39 self-recognized indigenous peoples throughout the country—have come together in the Malalweche Territorial Identity Organization to defend their rights, way of life and territorial integrity from extractive, energy and tourism activities and projects. One of the threats that these communities are currently facing is the advance of the exploration and exploitation of unconventional hydrocarbons through fracking. In 2018, the government of Mendoza issued Decree 248, which regulates fracking activities in the province. Before issuing the norm, it overlooked the right of the Mapuche communities in the area to be consulted and to give their free, prior and informed consent. It then made the consultation conditional on the communities having legal recognition of rights over their territory. Since then, the Malalweche Territorial Identity Organization has been fighting a court battle to have the decree declared unconstitutional. The lawsuit, initiated by the Oikos Environmental Network Association, is backed by national and international environmental organizations, including the Association for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights-Xumek, the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN), AIDA and Earthjustice. The Mapuche communities are tireless in their struggle. The reason is simple: their strength comes from what they protect. It comes from their intimate connection to the territory and all that it holds.   A broader vision of territory As in the case with indigenous peoples across the American continent, territories of the Mapuche people are rich in natural resources, which causes large interests to set their eyes on them, ignoring or wanting to ignore those who legitimately inhabit them. For the indigenous communities, territory is not limited to geographical space, but is conceived as the wider space from which human activities, such as grazing paths, emerge and converge. Rivers, mountains and animals are essential elements of the ancestral territory of the Mapuche people. They are distinctive parts of their culture. "These elements also make up the transhumance—a type of pastoralism that consists of seasonal movement along migratory routes—of the people who move, who go from one place to another," explains Gabriel Jofré, a traditional authority and spokesperson for Malalweche. "Today the territory is limited by private property, which makes you settle in a place; our parents used to say that you go where the territory takes you.” The intrusion and territorial usurpation by dominant and oppressive elites —at the beginning of the 20th century—led to the exodus of members of the Mapuche people, the dispersion of others and the silence of many more for fear of repression.   In defense of community life Faced with the environmental, social and economic impacts of the intrusion of business activities in the ancestral territory of the Mapuche, the organization Malalweche promotes access to indigenous community property. Although the Argentine State recognizes in its Constitution the ethnic and cultural pre-existence of indigenous peoples and has ratified international conventions that oblige it to respect and guarantee their rights, the legal recognition of the rights of Mapuche communities to indigenous territories faces administrative obstacles and delays due to bureaucratic processes. "That is why, to avoid legal obstacles, we have developed the strategy of creating productive cooperatives," explained Gabriel. Kume Matru food products factory, a cooperative enterprise, was inaugurated on June 23, the date on which Winoj Tripantu, or the beginning of the Mapuche year, is celebrated. Kume Matru is a clear example of the versatility of these communities to walk the path of sharing and bringing together their own needs and those of others; to deliver not only food, but also the whole chain of hands that made it possible. "The people who recover these processes are a reflection of the ancestral forces that are in the territory of the pullü, the spirit of our grandparents," said Gabriel. "It is our children who begin to recover what at some point was cut off, these are processes that must be protected in order for that to happen." In line with this need, last March, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights established that, in a context of climate crisis and environmental deterioration, "the States have the duty to title, delimit and demarcate the collective ancestral territory, attending to the particular characteristics of the specific human group and avoiding granting concessions for projects that may affect the territories in titling, delimitation and demarcation processes without a process of consultation and consent". The norms are clear, both domestic and international. States must guarantee the rights of indigenous peoples, avoiding governmental acts and/or judicial rulings that could affect them, and ensuring that economic development is sustainable and respectful of environmental integrity. Let us recover the legacy of the original peoples, who teach us to live in harmony with nature, as parts of the whole, interconnected with their forces, from which our own must also emerge as a renewed impulse to defend our common home.  

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Indigenous Rights, Mining, Freshwater Sources

Irish company buying Colombian coal to be investigated for lack of due diligence with regard to human rights

The OECD accepted a complaint filed by civil society against the Irish state-owned company ESB for its failure of responsible business conduct in the purchase of coal from Cerrejón.   The National Contact Point (NCP) for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Ireland agreed to evaluate the complaint filed against an Irish state-owned company, The Electricity Supply Board (ESB), for its lack of due diligence on human rights. ESB is a buyer of coal from Carbones del Cerrejón, the operator of the largest open-pit coal mine in Latin America. The complaint was filed in January 2021 by a coalition of national and international organizations, including CAJAR, CINEP, AIDA, GLAN, ABColombia, Ask, and Christian Aid. The complaint also had the support of several leaders of Wayuu and Afro-Campesino indigenous communities that have been historically affected by this extractive coal mining megaproject. For years ESB, considered Ireland's largest energy company, has purchased coal from the Cerrejón mine, located in La Guajira, Colombia, for use in its Moneypoint power plant in County Clare. The complaint alleges non-compliance by the company, as the purchaser, with the OECD's standards of due diligence and responsible business conduct in environmental and human rights matters. In addition, the complaint alleges that ESB has failed to take the necessary actions to influence Carbones de Cerrejón's own due diligence in identifying, mitigating, and preventing human rights abuses linked to the mine. This failure comes despite well-documented evidence of serious violations against Wayuu and Afro-Colombian indigenous communities, including environmental impacts and threats to human rights defenders. Following an initial assessment of the complaint, the Irish government's NCP released an initial statement on Monday, July 18, stating that it found sufficient grounds for further examination of the issues raised. From the perspective of the denouncing organizations, the purchase of Colombian coal by ESB has been made in spite of the company having been aware of ample evidence of serious human rights violations and environmental impacts in the territory of indigenous Wayuu and Afro-descendant communities. The company itself, on its official website, stated: "ESB is well aware of Colombia's difficult history that has had serious impacts on its population for many years. We are also aware of the issues reported in the media regarding the Cerrejón mine, many of which are related to Colombia's past. We are committed to remaining attentive to all of these issues and will continue to work with Bettercoal to influence and drive improvements. We bring these issues to Bettercoal for assessment as a matter of course." Although ESB had indicated that it stopped buying coal from Cerrejón in 2018 because of human rights violations, it recently announced that in the wake of the Russia-Ukraine war it was resuming its purchase of this coal for the coming months. "Six years ago, Ireland stopped buying Colombian coal, citing human rights concerns, and turned to Russia for the fossil fuel. Now, the European nation has resumed purchases from Colombia." On his recent visit to La Guajira in April of this year, Irish TD Gary Gannon criticized ESB for restarting coal imports from Cerrejón. Gary Gannon, who traveled to Colombia in April as part of the parliamentary delegation, said he had seen with his own eyes the devastating environmental impact of the mine and the pain of the indigenous communities displaced from their land for its expansion. "There is a disturbing double standard in this return to Cerrejón," he said. "We rightly say no to Russian coal after the invasion of Ukraine, recognizing the impact our business decisions can have on human rights. But that standard must apply everywhere, including Colombia." In the words of Wayuu leader Jakeline Romero Epiayu: "European countries, with total hypocrisy, send us messages of decarbonization, of abandoning the use of fossil fuels; but suddenly they put Colombia and La Guajira back in their focus to buy this coal that they continue to need, this coal that we have tirelessly said is stained with blood, stained with the lives of Wayuu men, women, boys, and girls." The complaint requested, among other recommendations, that ESB: end its commercial relationship with the purchase of Colombian coal, issue a public statement acknowledging the need for its cessation, request the mine's parent companies initiate progressive closure of the mine and remediate its impacts, compile and publish an effective human rights policy, and issue a formal apology to the affected communities. Following the issuance of this initial assessment, the Irish NCP will formally ask the parties if they are willing to participate in mediation, with the objective of reaching a resolution to the issues raised in the complaint. The goodwill offer is voluntary for both parties. If a mediated solution is not possible, the Irish NCP will conduct a review of the complaint. The outcome will be reflected in a Final Statement which may include recommendations on the implementation of the OECD guidelines. The Irish NCP also noted that it is still processing another complaint against CMC Coal Marketing Company, a Dublin-based company responsible for the marketing and sale of coal from the Cerrejón mine. In the wake of the war between Russia and Ukraine and the current context of increasing demand for Cerrejón coal, this complaint sends an important message that countries and companies that buy this coal must continue meeting their obligations with respect to human rights and corporate due diligence duties. José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers' Collective Center for Research and Popular Education Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) press contact: Víctor Quintanilla (Mexico), AIDA, [email protected], +525570522107  

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Fracking, Indigenous Rights, Mining

Examining the obstacles to energy transition in Latin America

The climate crisis and its impacts on human rights require the governments of Latin America to design and implement laws, public policies, and other measures aimed at protecting the lives and integrity of their people. In the region most threatened by global warming, they must do so through mitigation, adaptation and attention to the losses and damages already caused. Given that the current energy system based on fossil fuels is the main cause of the climate crisis, as well as the inequalities that are closely linked to it, the framework for climate action in the Americas must be that of a just energy transition. The energy transition is an opportunity for the continent to abandon old energy production models characterized by large social and environmental impacts, and to move towards environmentally and climatically sustainable methods, while respecting the human rights of the communities and sectors involved.  Several countries in the region are failing to integrate this perspective. The case of Colombia exemplifies a risky trend for the region—the government is currently promoting a host of climate-aggravating projects, which deepen dependence on fossil fuels, as useful to the energy transition. Such regressive measures include: the expansion of coalmines in operation or the opening of new mines under the argument that the export of the mineral will finance the transition; and the favoring of natural gas exploitation through tax benefits and the easing of environmental permitting processes, under the false premise that gas is a clean energy source. Sounding the alarm Given the worrying panorama in Colombia, AIDA will be drafting and distributing a series of Urgent Alerts that call attention to projects, public policies and regulations that hinder a just transition, and deepen dependence on fossil fuels. They will be collective alerts, supported by other international organizations that, like AIDA, seek climate justice and work in defense of environmental and human rights. Each alert will be sent to the national authorities in charge of the measure in question. Geared toward promoting reflections on how to advance in the just energy transition, each alert will include public policy and regulatory recommendations based on the State's international obligations and commitments on climate, environmental and human rights issues. In each case, the message is clear—by continuing with the promotion, extraction and use of gas and coal, the Colombian State would be failing to comply with these obligations. The first alert calls attention to the potential definitive diversion of the Bruno stream in the department of La Guajira to expand production at and revenue from El Cerrejón, the largest open-pit coal mine in Latin America and one of the ten largest in the world. The project not only implies an increase in greenhouse gas emissions—coal is responsible for 44 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions—but is also a threat to the rights to water, food security and health of the Wayuu indigenous communities that depend on the stream. A regional scope The measures adopted by the Colombian State may well reflect the situation in other countries of the region, or be replicated in them. Several alerts will refer to the exploitation of hydrocarbons through fracking, a controversial technique advancing blindly in Colombia and other Latin American countries. Another will warn of the use of hydrogen, promoted as a viable and clean energy alternative. In Colombia there is already a public policy route to advance with its implementation and two pilot projects underway. Hydrogen production results from burning coal or gas at high temperatures. Recent studies warn that this requires capturing and storing carbon dioxide, so the alternative depends on being able to store carbon indefinitely and avoid leakage into the atmosphere. In addition, hydrogen production is energy-intensive and involves the emission of gases during the heating and pressurization process, as well as the use of natural gas as fuel. As a region, we cannot afford to delay the energy transition and the achievement of climate justice, both urgent and necessary goals, with options that will only tie us more and more to fossil fuels and to an energy system that only intensifies social inequalities and environmental degradation.    

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Indigenous Rights, Public Participation, Climate Change

What is a just energy transition?

It is possible to propose real solutions to current problems. The various crises facing humanity—climate, energy, food, environment, health—as well as the enormous inequalities that cause, and are deepened by, them can be overcome if we manage to rethink the systems in which we live. In 2021, the energy sector contributed 73.2 percent of total global greenhouse gas emissions. The current energy system, based on fossil fuels, is unequal and inequitable. It is concentrated in large private or state-owned companies, is particularly conflictive in terms of access to resources, and is closed to social participation in decision-making. For these reasons, progress on the energy transition is urgent. There is no single view of energy transition; it is a concept in dispute. Toward what? For whom? How? Conservative views focus the transition on a process of technological substitution toward a change in the energy matrix focused on renewable resources and the search for energy efficiency. On the other hand, the most complete proposals warn that a change in the energy matrix is necessary, but not enough. They see the transition as a process of integral transformation, territorially situated and plural, which implies the creation of new socio-political conditions that restructure the organization, ownership and distribution of the current production and consumption systems. The goal is advancing the right to energy. If we consider the transition as a systems change, it is essential to build another type of relationship between human beings, nature and means of production. Guidelines for thinking about the energy transition in Latin America Based on the arguments of Pablo Bertinat, an expert on the subject, to walk this path in the region requires that we: Build the right to energy as a collective right, in congruence with the rights of nature. We must: take into account the damages to territories and communities created by energy development; eradicate Sacrifice Zones by recognizing their vulnerability; and guarantee respect for human rights during the transition. Solve energy poverty problems with clean, accessible, reliable and affordable energy. Energy projects must benefit the territory in which they are installed in terms of creation, supply and work force, in order to achieve the redistribution of wealth. Advance a process of energy reduction in the face of a scenario of restriction in which resources do not cover the demand. This implies an integral transition. A new productive model based on the availability of energy must be considered, as well as rethinking transportation systems, agriculture, infrastructure, etc. Deepen the change of the energy matrix from processes of resignification of technologies to those that are adequate, that is to say, that allow social inclusion, that are built from the communities, that are oriented to solve their problems, and that take into account the processes of acceptance of new energy enterprises. Promote energy democratization processes through the participation of diverse actors, particularly excluded sectors, in decision-making regarding the transition and the creation and implementation of policies, guaranteeing the rights of access to timely and complete information, quality participation and access to environmental justice, in order to ensure energy autonomy at the local level.   In conclusion, speaking of a just energy transition implies recovering energy as a tool to satisfy human needs in a context of finite resources and inequalities. We must not start from scratch. Local communities, academic institutions, non-governmental organizations, social organizations and governments have already taken important steps towards a just, democratic and popular energy transition in the region. With this momentum, the transition is not only desirable, but possible.  

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